The democracy conundrum. Image by Webdiary artist Martin Davies. www.daviesart.com

G’Day. I did a rave at a recent politics in the pub do organised by the Redfern Peace Group, after which a bloke called Cameron Andrews told me about a new political discussion group with the daunting aim of reviving Liberalism.

Cameron used to work for former NSW Democrats Senator Vicki Bourne and was incoming NSW president of the Democrats when the party fell apart last year. He wrote a piece for Webdiary about where the Democrats needed to position themselves to survive which I published in Across the Democratic divide in July last year. I’ve republished it at the end of this entry.

Anyway, he left the Dems and now works for David Barr, the independent state member for the North Shore seat of Manly. He and others – including Syd Hickman, a former ALP adviser – have formed The Reid Group, to be launched next Tuesday in NSW Parliament House. Here’s a piece on the Reid Group Cameron wrote for Webdiary, followed by an invitation to the launch. The group’s website is reidgroup.

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The Reid Group: a forum for national renovation

by Cameron Andrews

The term ‘liberal’ has taken a battering in Australia. After a century of misappropriation by conservative politicians, the mere utterance of the word liberal is now met by scorn and derision from anyone who believes in a progressive vision for Australia. But it hasn’t always been so.

Australia has a fine tradition of genuine liberalism. In the late 1800’s it was the dominant paradigm in Australian political life. Our country led the way in introducing liberal reforms like extending suffrage, creating public education and health systems, improving working conditions, and encouraging religious (though, sadly, not racial) tolerance. We were seen as a laboratory for democracy to which other liberal-minded nations should aspire.

As NSW Premier (1894-1899), and fourth Prime Minister (1904-1905), George Reid’s moderate and pragmatic approach to politics epitomised a true liberal leader. As Minister for Public Instruction in the Stuart Government in 1883, George Reid did the hard work in setting up New South Wales world-leading public secular education system. When he later succeeded Parkes to become Premier, Reid reformed land laws, introduced a public health act, modernised the public service, and championed a strong and open economy through his passionate belief in free trade. He believed that Government was about creating equality of opportunity, was cautious with finances, and strongly opposed conservatism.

Yes-No Reid, as he was known, was also a key player in the Federation debate. His refusal to publicly endorse an early version of the Constitution led to the first Federation referendum being defeated in NSW. Reid later reconvened a meeting of the Premiers and successfully negotiated a substantially improved version of the Constitution, which was then voted on and accepted by the Australian people.

George Reid was destined to become Australia’s first Prime Minister, but was denied this honour by the prevarications of the newly emergent Labor Party. Reid’s rejection of the populist position on Federation left him open to attack from opponents and weakened his standing in the electorate. He finally gained the Prime Ministership in 1904, but only held office for eleven months.

The rapid growth of the Labor Party proved to be Reid’s downfall. While he had worked hard to improve the lives of working people, such as through better mining regulation and the introduction of the Conciliation and Arbitration Act, Reid was vehemently anti-socialist. In 1908, he sacrificed a lifetime commitment to free trade in order to oppose socialist Labor by allowing his Free Trade Party to be fused with the Protectionists. This new Liberal Party moved away from its liberal roots and aligned itself with conservative rural interests in order to counterbalance the fast-growing ALP.

George Reid’s liberal legacy is little known. He kept little in the way of diaries or correspondence, and much of the material on Reid has been written by his opponents. The illiberalism of the modern so-called Liberal Party means they have shown no interest in maintaining his memory.

The Liberal Party of Australia, its modern incarnation having been reformed by Menzies in the 1940s, has now left any pretence to true liberalism far behind. As a party of social conservatism and market fundamentalism it is more closely aligned with the conservative English Tories and American Republicans, than any true liberal party. Indeed, Prime Minister Howard is the Chairman of the International Democrat Union a conservative and Christian alliance of which arch-conservatives Ronald Reagan and George Bush snr were founders.

A century on, there is no party, or group, in Australia occupying the true liberal position.

Today, Australia’s true liberals have become a weak and fragmented force dispersed among many political camps. Our once great liberal public institutions are under attack, support for tolerance and diversity is in decline, and the demands of special interest groups are being allowed to burden the economy. The aspects of liberalism which have from time-to-time been pursued by both sides of politics are now being subsumed by the mean-spirited individualism that much of the current thinking is geared towards.

The Reid Group, to be launched next week, seeks to provide a forum for the revival of Australian liberalism through the promotion of policy and ideas that will lead to a revitalisation of our public institutions, an open and environmentally sustainable economy, the growth of the community sector, empowered local communities, and efficient government.

The Reid Group does not merely seek to be yet another addition to the ranks of the old left. The failure of the old left to recognise the death of socialism means that it is now completely irrelevant to the majority of Australians. Riven with contradictions, bereft of ideas, and obsessed with the negative, the old-left’s inability to reorganise itself is now allowing the thinking of the so-called new-Right to run rampant. A better approach is needed.

Any proposal for a new vision for Australia must take into account the new factors driving social change in Australia: increased individual responsibility, over-stretched and under-resourced public institutions, a more pluralist and complex society, and a new role for corporate responsibility.

The Reid Group seeks to promote a positive vision for an open economy, progressive society, and sustainable future. Nothing less than a national renovation of Australian political life is required to renew Australia’s place as the open, liberal society to which all should aspire.

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INVITATION TO THE LAUNCH OF THE REID GROUP

Tuesday 19th August at 1.30pm. Jubilee Room, NSW Parliament House. All welcome

George Reid – Australia’s only true liberal leader

As Premier of New South Wales (1894-1899) and Prime Minister of Australia (1904-1905), George Reid lay the foundation for Australia’s secular public education system, eliminated patronage and corruption from the public service, introduced a public health act, reformed land laws, and championed a strong and prosperous economy through his passionate belief in free trade. His moderate and pragmatic approach to politics helped create a tolerant and prosperous Australia. The merging of George Reid’s Free Trade Party with the Protectionists in 1908 saw Australian liberalism pushed into the background. A century later and there is no party or group in Australia occupying the true liberal position.

The Reid Group – A forum for the revival of Australian liberalism

The Reid Group seeks to promote a national renovation of Australian political life and renew Australia’s place as an open society based on liberal values.

The Reid Group supports:

* Revitalising our public institutions

* Strengthening support for an open and environmentally sustainable economy

* Encouraging the growth of the community sector

* Devolving government authority and empowering local communities

* Maximising the efficiency of government

Launch speakers: Cameron Andrews – Chair of the Reid Group and former Australian Democrats State President, Syd Hickman – Deputy Chair of the Reid Group, speechwriter and former ALP senior adviser.

Launch hosted by: David Barr MP Independent Member for Manly. RSVP/Information: info@reidgroup.org, 0414 366 383

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Division in the Democrats is not new

by Cameron Andrews, July 2002

Some say it goes back to the party’s beginnings. As a party born from the marriage of the Australia Party and New Liberal Movement there has always been an internal tension between traditional left and small l liberal thinking.

That the Democrats have been so successful – despite these internal contradictions – reflects the strength, skill and resolve of a succession of strong and potent leaders over the party’s 25 year history. The clarity of vision shown by Chipp, Haines and Kernot galvanised the party and give it political direction. They were rewarded with the balance of power in the Senate and the opportunity to play a role in shaping the future of the nation.

Now, at a time of weakness, the welding that held the political fault line together has opened up, with very public and potentially disastrous consequences.

The Democrats are not alone in experiencing an internal clash of ideology. A rapidly changing political landscape is calling into question the relevance of all our traditional party structures.

In the Hawke/Keating years Labor forged a highly successful alliance between its working class roots and a new class of urban, tertiary educated social progressives. The Accord with the unions allowed Labor to embrace the economic reforms that attracted the Chardonnay socialists into the fold.

Labor’s recent defeat is conclusive proof that this alliance is unravelling. Labor’s traditional working class support base is rapidly evolving into what Labor frontbencher Mark Latham describes as the aspirational voter – a new breed that more readily identifies with Howard’s portrayal of mainstream Australia than Labor’s brand of a fair go for all.

The Liberal Party, while seemingly unassailable under the politically ruthless stewardship of Howard, also faces an uncertain future. Backbench revolt over issues like changes to media ownership regulation, anti-terrorism legislation and the International Criminal Court point to an internal rupture between the conservatives and the genuine liberals.

The party’s move to the right may have won back the disaffected Hansonites and given Howard a third term, but has left many liberals questioning why they should continue to belong. The party’s failure to hold government in any state in Australia also points to a decay in its party structure.

Even the Greens, currently enjoying a wave of popular support as the protest party of choice, is showing early signs of a conflict between its environmentalist founders and the recent influx of the socialist left. Bob Brown’s recent outburst on Telstra and his subsequent silencing by his party may be a sign of tensions to come now that NSW red Senator Kerry Nettle has joined Senator Brown in the Senate.

If there is to be a future for the Democrats it doesn’t lie in petty bickering over who should be leader. The current turmoil presents the party with the opportunity to finally resolve the crisis of identity that has loomed over the party since its foundation. Going back to Meg or rallying behind Natasha will both lead to political destruction if the underlying root cause of the division is left undiscussed and untreated.

The Democrats have to make a definitive statement as to which stream they will follow. The political landscape is changing in a way which forces the party, even if unwillingly, to reevaluate its identity. As the Greens now firmly occupy the fundamentalist left and both Liberal and Labor have abandoned any pretence of liberalism, the small l liberal course presents an enormous opportunity to take advantage of an emerging political landscape that is leaving the small l liberal voter with no representation. This has been the option pursued by the Liberal Democrats in England which, coupled with excellent campaigning, has led to their recent spectacular rise.

If the Democrats cannot take that decisive step, the only alternative will be to entertain a formal split. The Senators who most closely align with the small l liberal approach have the opportunity to stand as independents. The media attention that such a move would attract would give this group the opportunity to create a new identity and party structure. They would then be free to focus their efforts on developing the policies and vision needed to contest the next election.

The remaining Senators under Stott Despoja, as discussed by political commentators including you, would then face open competition with the Greens.

Times of crisis present opportunity for rebirth and change. With courage and vision the Democrats can embrace the opportunity that the current crisis brings and, with it, the chance to genuinely change politics in Australia.