All posts by Margo Kingston

Ethics overboard: How to promote integrity in the moment of choice

HIH is the yarn today, but what’s the real, long-term solution to the collapse of ethics among big-end-of-town accountants, lawyers and actuaries? They’re the professionals involved who are meant to have duties separate to those of the companies they service. Higher duties. The workability of current practice – that they work directly for the companies that pay them – relies on strong professional ethics, and the enforcement thereof by peers and their professional associations. That’s broken down. Conflicts of interest aren’t even recognised as such these days. How can we repair the damage?

Should we move to government-employed professionals or panels of private sector professionals chosen by government but paid for by companies?

In September last year I gave a speech to the Corruption Prevention Network’s conference Ethics overboard: No apologies. I asked for your input first, and got some great replies. So today, I thought I’d publish that speech.

Following that, I’ve republished a Webdiary entry called Your ethics which I accidentally removed from the archive before Christmas. It includes some brilliant pieces, including the first piece by our new expat columnist and corporate outrider Harry Heidelberg, and a timely piece by Meagan Phillipson on the ethics of international relations. For other Webdiary discussions on ethics, see Ethicswebdiary9Sep2002, andBuzzword ethicswebdiary19Sep2002.

I’m about to start writing a chapter for a book on media ethics about ethics and online media, with particular reference to Webdiary. Again, I’d love your input. As you’ll see from the speech, your input last time was just what the doctor ordered.

You can access submissions to the HIH inquiry at fairfax.

We ran Scott Burchill’s piece in yesterday’s Webdiary on the rhetoric of war against Iraq off the front page of smh.com.au today, and readers hopped in for their say. Go to yoursay for the debate. As I write, Scott’s piece is the most read article on smh.com.au since midnight last night. We’ve asked the United States embassy if they’d care to respond. No word yet.

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Ethics overboard

by Margo Kingston

When you think about ethics, by which I mean ‘professional standards of conduct’, your starting point has to be your own.

Just after I started work in the big smoke of Sydney many years ago, the Herald chief of staff told me in confidence that the paper was sending a reporter posing as a prospective student into a Sydney high school to report on the youth of today in today’s public education system. The editor was to pretend to be his father when enrolling him, but was too busy to do so. Could I pose as my colleagues aunt?

Weeks later, while the reporter was still at the school, another reporter stumbled upon the project and leaked it, resulting in political condemnation in the parliament and outrage from our readers and my colleagues. Thus I discovered that journalists in the journalists union were bound by a code of ethics.

This was the first time I’d heard of it. I had a duty, personal to me, to tell anyone I was speaking to for a story what my job was, unless the matter was of such compelling public interest that I was duty bound not to. Everyone in my industry believed that this was not a case where the exception applied.

The shock of the incident marked the beginning of my deep interest in journalistic ethics. I thought about my role in relationship to my readers, and my duties to assert my professional ethics to avoid abuse of power by my industry.

I was trained as a lawyer, not a journalist. I knew my ethical duties as a lawyer: My duty was not only to the client but to the court, and I should never knowingly use as evidence material I knew to be false. So I don’t agree with the idea that ethics are instinctive in all cases. Written principles are required, and they need to be vigorously communicated as a matter fundamental to your career.

I believe the principles should be general, not particular, as particularity breeds legalism and the dangerous belief that technical avoidance equals compliance with ethical duty. Every ethical code should include not only the principles to which adherence is required, but the reasons why. For ethics, in the end, is about ourself in relation to other individuals and to our society.

The elites are in relationship with the people, and professional ethics – by accountants, lawyers, engineers, clergymen, architects – are constraints on abuse of power by the elites. A sellout of ethics for money, power, or survival, weakens the stability of the polity itself.

Example

In the early 1990s, a construction company sued an establishment Brisbane law firm for its costs in a prolonged Federal Court civil action. The firm had acted for a developer, since jailed, who instructed it to resist and delay an action for payment of a debt due for building a shopping centre by alleging fraud. There was no evidence for this accusation. The ethical duties of solicitors and barristers forbid them from pleading fraud without supporting evidence.

When the developer went into liquidation, the plaintiff bought its legal files for a pittance and sued the legal firm. The barrister involved was Ian Callinan QC, since appointed a High Court judge.

So, a former leader of the Queensland bar and a partner in Queensland’s best connected law firm were caught red-handed with their pants down.

The Queensland Law Society, a body backed by legislation to police the ethical standards required by solicitors, would not say whether or not it was examining the solicitor’s behaviour. It was confidential. And the society implied that it only acted on a complaint, not of its own motion. End of story.

The president of the Australian Bar Council, NSW barrister Bret Walker QC, called for an inquiry into Justice Callinan’s fitness to remain a judge. The Senate numbers for an inquiry fell away after veiled threats by the government to target Justice Kirby in revenge. End of story.

But worst of all for me, the profession split on whether the two men had done anything wrong. Legal academic Professor Greg Craven, for example, said everyone did it, so why worry?

That meant the ethical edifice was a sham. It shot to pieces lawyer’s claims of effective self-regulation, stripped the trust shown by judges to lawyers on the assumption they were not abusing process, and allowed rich people to waste limited court time to wear down litigants with a just cause.

***

The ethical duties of a professional engineer, architect, lawyer, doctor or accountant – whether working in business or for government – are a counter-balance to the exploitation of others by organisations and individuals who have no ethics and care only for short term self-interest. Break these down, and the system is in crisis. Witness Enron and Arthur Anderson. Enron and investment banks. Enron and political figures.

The dominant neo-liberal ideology has helped trash those values in our society which cannot be quantified to a cash figure. That rules out or at the very least severely compromises ethical imperatives, as all the system’s incentives promote the glorification of individual freedom to pursue self-interest and a contempt for values other than bottom-line cash.

Ideas for reform

I’ve been trying for ages to think of a way to enforce journalists’ ethics without government legislation. I can’t. Only journalists belonging to the union have a duty to comply with its code of ethics,and many aren’t in the union. The bosses have no such duty unless they voluntarily sign up to a company code of ethics, and can and do employ people not in the union. In any event, ethics should be seen as ideals to strive for, ideals that can be highly nuanced, and easily forgotten.

Ethics are also a group standard, meaning they requires constant discussion and thought between colleagues, and that requires openness.

So what I’m thinking of is framework legislation, to cover all jobs with ethical duties. It could require all professions to have an ethical oversight body comprised of a chairperson and directors agreed to by consensus between the profession’s leaders and consumer groups, and if consensus cannot be reached, by election. Membership of the professional body would be compulsory to work, and members of the oversight body would have legal protection against defamation and the like.

The group or individuals on it would give advisory opinions to members in a bind. These would be regularly published in a pro-forma way. If a professional accidentally breached an ethical duty, apologies could be lodged, and published. The body would look at complaints it judged worthy of consideration or those it found out about independently, in open session. It would seek the views of members. It would publish reasons.

Except for extremely serious matters, like a psychiatrist sleeping with a patient, there would be no penalty or a reprimand on proof of a first breach. What I’d be looking for is an ongoing conversation, a genuine engagement, for the profession, not a penal system. Because the system is not penal, the person under investigation would be required to speak for him or herself.

The law partner in my example would be called to account. Both he and the barrister would have had access to authoritative advisory opinions if they had doubts. And what happens when someone in breach of professional ethics is made a judge before disclosure of the breach? Only parliament can sack a federal judge for not being fit for office. To strip the politics away as much as possible, a judicial oversight body would investigate and present a report to parliament. It could take it from there.

***

This week I asked Webdiary readers what they thought about ethics. I’d like to read from an email from Harry Heidelberg, a nom de plume to protect his career.

I’ve faced several ethical dilemmas in my working life. In one I was involved in the audit of a government bank in a developing country. It was clear to me that the financial statements of the bank were the proverbial croc of shit. I made this known to all involved and suggested massive asset write downs. I came to this conclusion about many assets – all basically worthless or certainly worth a fraction of their book value. Millions of dollars were involved. Lots of vested interests. Lots of big fish in a small pond.

How did I process the above? I convinced my boss in the developing country that we had no choice but to convince the bank to agree to massive asset writedowns or refuse to sign the audit. He was overruled by the developed country headquarters of our firm. I resigned but “came back” on the condition that I would not sign anything associated with that audit. The end result was that relationships were poisoned by my failure to tow the line of Big City, Developed Country, Big Accounting Firm. My career in that firm was never the same again. It’s hardly a Hollywood ending but I’m still glad I did that. My reward was internal. I could live with myself.

I later learned that everyone in that country’s administration was corrupt and later the bank collapsed. I did my job, or at least tried to. What a pity others didn’t. I suppose I could and should have done more. I made my personal protest, but I admit that by not going public, I weaken my superficially pure stance. This is a good reason why we need sound whistle blowing systems. A whistle blower should not have their life destroyed. A career setback is one thing, but not a destruction.

In another case, I was working for a foreign multinational. We had a particularly good year. We had way past what we needed for all senior management to get their bonuses. I was asked to cover up GOOD financial news. The idea was that we should report all we needed as revenue and profits in one year to get to the bonus level and then give the following year a kick start by shunting the part we “didn’t need” into the following year. I had some of the worst professional arguments I have ever had over that one.

I can be pragmatic as anyone but I would never have done what they wanted me to. In effect I would have been telling the headquarters (and for that matter the Australian authorities – tax and ASIC) that our revenue and profits were MUCH lower than they actually were. It was millions, again. All around me they were saying it was harmless because we were only “delaying” good news into the next year. It was just a timing thing.

Bullshit. Accounting is all about timing and if you can’t get the timing right you may as well give up. In effect we really had to say that inventory which was SOLD was still in our warehouse. They dressed it up in fancy language but that was the substance of it. My boss said that we had to do as we were told. I said no we don’t and I won’t. He asked whether I would resign if they went ahead with this plan and I said I would. I was under IMMENSE pressure. Not sleeping, filthy looks in the corridors etc etc.

That’s the part that stinks. Why should I resign for doing my job?

How did I process that one? I had a contact in headquarters I trusted. I told him about it and he said to do the right thing. Much to the fury of local people, I DID do the right thing. In the process I lost my most valuable staff member. He resigned in the midst of it because he too was ethical and couldn’t bear it anymore. I tried so hard to convince him to stick with me and that I would fix it.

In the end I got my way, I fixed it and the right results were reported. Again, relationships were poisoned.

Don’t believe existing bodies when they say they have it covered. I belong to one which has a members ethical counselling service. A mate of mine went to them in dire need of advice earlier this year and they were hopeless. They offered no help at all. The whole thing is window dressing crap. When you really need them, they won’t be there for you.

This mate of mine had to resign from his job to get out of his ethical dilemma and endure three months of frightening unemployment. Some people may treat this lightly but I think it is outrageous that a well known professional body has a so-called ethical counselling service that failed so abysmally. In the case of my mate it was serious stuff. His employer was on the verge of bankruptcy and hadn’t paid “group tax” (ie the pay as you earn tax deducted from employees) in nearly a year. No one cared for him. He’s a good guy and no one cared or listened. He could only trash himself to survive and sleep at night.

The new company I work for has an inspirational CEO. I know, I hear you moaning already. The days of inspirational CEOs are over. Not really. The right CEO for today is an ethical one. Long term interests of all companies and organisations are to behave ethically. Really.

The CEO of the company I now work for has established an “ethics ombudsman” in the headquarters. I suspect this move is a reaction to recent corporate scandals and a realisation that an internal process is required. Internal audit is hardly enough. We saw in Enron that internal audit questioned the practices but it did not help. Something more is needed. Something at a very high and very independent level. My current CEO should be commended. She is totally committed to ethics.

The idea of an internal “ethics ombudsman” is a great initiative, but Margo I think your idea is a great addition. You can have an “internally independent” process but ultimately you need something which can be totally pure in the sense of giving more than just the appearance of independence.

It has to be pure independence in fact, not just appearance. An internal process will always be seen as something which is more easily compromised.

All of us in the corporate world need to pause and reflect. Mere tinkering is not enough. A revolution is required and startling initiatives are urgently needed. I want to be startled. I want to be energised by something totally new. Faith and confidence in the system is key. That can’t be regained without substantial, far reaching changes.

Training is needed. Some have forgotten and need to be retrained in the ways of ethics. Some of it is indeed nuanced. That is why a discussion is helpful. We can never have enough discussion about this. It will never go away. I’m no saint and I’m all ears. I have become somewhat jaded, but live in hope.

Finally, I say show no mercy to those who act unethically. Absolutely none. A bit of carrot is nice but I reckon only a lot of potential stick will be the thing that will get some people acting ethically. Sydney’s full of crooks.

More people like Fels in this life would be good. A man with a mission. Less of the eastern suburbs set would be even better.

We urgently need a long, open and detailed debate on ethics. We did NOT learn the lessons of the 1980s. Are we to learn the lessons of the late nineties and early 21st century? We have to or the system will not recover

An ethics ombudsman in every big company! Wow! A place to go anonymously, if the ombudsman is an Alan Fels, for people like Harry, to nip unprofessional conduct in the bud.

Webdiarist Daniel Boase-Jelinek wrote:

I suggest that the problem with encouraging ethical behaviour is not that people don’t know what it (ethics) is, but that they don’t know how to respond without losing their jobs.

A couple of years ago I was invited to run a workshop for Environmental Engineering students at the University of WA. Environmental Engineers face ethical dilemmas all the time because their employers generally are companies that wish to promote projects that inevitably cause environmental destruction, and the environmental engineers are being used to justify this destruction and put a public relations gloss on it.

I used the research of Sharon Beder, professor of science, technology and society at the University of Wollongong, in working through a whole lot of issues with these idealistic students, searching with them to find a balance between protecting their integrity while keeping their jobs.

The outcome that they arrived at was that people working alone as whistle-blowers rarely and rarely succeed in getting their message out.

The students realised that the only alternative to becoming cynical was to work very hard to develop a community of support within and outside the organisation and to search collaboratively for ways to protect their integrity.

***

Ah development, where big money reigns supreme, where corporate donations buy political influence, where councillors and mayors and staff paid peanuts can be asked how much their integrity is worth and be paid it, where local government are so few expert reports must be taken at face value. The imbalance of power is too great. Communities feel powerless, no matter who they elect.

In cases where expert reports are required by legislation for the purposes of important decisions about our land and the financial state of our companies, these rampant conflicts of interest and imbalances of power must be fixed.

Here again, I’d go the legislative framework solution, with the professional bodies’ members to take charge of the process. You’d have a panel of acknowledged experts, all independent practitioners. The company would be allocated a relevant expert to prepare, say, an environmental impact statement as required by law, and pays his or her fees. If the company disagrees with the assessment, it could employ any expert it chose, and if the results materially differed, a panel of experts would decide which was right, the panel’s costs to be paid by the company. This system should also apply to auditors, who could not be chosen to audit a company from which thier firm earned non-audit fees.

In short, I want to empower professionals in all fields working in the public and private sectors to assert the values of their professions, and take pride in fulfilling their duties and maintaining their professional integrity. I want the ethics debate, and the rebuilding of the power of ethical standards to be conducted with reason and genuine engagement.

I want to rebalance the scales, so that many good people are able to insist on being ethical and not suffer for it, indeed to be thanked for it, and perhaps even promoted. I want ethics – integrity in the moment of choice – to become commonplace.

***

Your ethics

Ethics, huh? Great topic, great responses. Over to you.

1. Ethical moments: Rosie Young and Harry Heidelberg

2. Impossible odds: Daniel Boase-Jelinek and Jozef Imrich

3. What are ethics?: Karl Zegers, Nick Jans, Tony Kevin, Chris Kuan, Peter Woodforde, Helen Lawson-Williams

4. The sunshine test: Allison Newman

5. Ethics in international politics: Meagan Phillipson

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Recommendations

Martin Canny recommends John Ralston Saul’s latest, On Equilibrium, for examples of ethical dilemmas.

James Woodcock suggests Ross Gittins’ article “Yes you can legislate for morality”, especially:

“The funny thing is that, in their double standards towards blue-collar and executive crime, the pollies have got it pretty much the wrong way round. They profess to believe (along with the shock jocks and the untutored masses) that more police on the beat and tougher sentences are the obvious solution to all manner of sexual and property crimes.

“But where people act in the heat of the moment, or under the grip of some overpowering emotional kink in their makeup, or to feed a drug habit, the likelihood of their being deterred by the size of the penalty or even their chances of getting caught would seem to be small.

“In the case of corporate crime, however, where emotion plays a secondary role to calculated greed – where they’re just doing it for the money – you’d expect the size of the penalty and the chances of apprehension to have a big effect on people’s behaviour.”

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1. Ethical moments

Rosie Young

On Friday my 23 year old daughter, a gardener, had her first vehicle accident – the tray of her ute sideswiped a brand new stationary Peugot. In all her distress she immediately wrote a note with her details and left it on the car.

Subsequently several people tried to convince her she had done the wrong thing and told her to go and remove the note. She began to query her actions, but fortunately did not take their advice. I believe that as soon as the accident occurred she had a spontaneous attack of ethics!

Perhaps ethics are a bit like the “quality” which cannot be defined, as written about in Zen and the Art of Motor Cycle Maintenance – we recognise quality but cannot define it, and we recognise ethics but cannot define them.

It seems we have a little meter inside us which always give a true indication of how things are or how we should behave, but as soon as we try and rationalise the situation we get lost in a complex mass of pros and cons.

PS: My daughter has to pay $800 excess and we have sent some household items off to auction to cover the cost – nevertheless, ETHICS rule OK? !!!

***

Harry Heidelberg (nom de plume to avoid damage to the writer)

For me, ethics are something deeply internal and individual. I think they are something quite fundamental, formed at a very young age, and best imparted by parents and older role models.

For some, even those who are taught well, the ethical compass goes haywire later in life. Greed and self interest are the biggest enemies of ethics. It’s mainly for money but it can also be for sex or power.

Failure to act ethically is at once a betrayal of another person or of a system/institution. Ultimately I believe it is even a type of self-betrayal of the individual who behaves unethically.

In one way or another, those who act that way will pay an individual price. The price may be one of emotional turmoil created by a complicated life or something as simple as the stress of being afraid of discovery. Nothing in this life comes for free. Except the truly priceless, good things (like happiness, love and trust)!

I’ve faced several ethical dilemmas in my working life. In one I was involved in the audit of a government bank in a developing country. It was clear to me that the financial statements of the bank were the proverbial croc of shit. I made this known to all involved and suggested massive asset write downs.

I became hated. I recall in one instance when we tried to value a bank asset of a resort in a hopeless location where nobody ever stayed. I was deeply suspicious. I said to a mate who had lived in the country for years, “How much do you think that hotel is worth”?. His answer was “How much is a big house worth in that area?… It’s worthless as a hotel”. I came to this conclusion about many assets – all basically worthless or certainly worth a fraction of their book value. Millions of dollars were involved. Lots of vested interests. Lots of big fish in a small pond.

How did I process the above? I convinced my boss in the developing country that we had no choice but to convince the bank to agree to massive asset writedowns or refuse to sign the audit. To cut a long story short, he agreed but was later overruled by the developed country headquarters of our firm. I resigned but “came back” on the condition that I would not sign anything associated with that audit. The end result was that relationships were poisoned by my failure to tow the line of Big City, Developed Country, Big Accounting Firm. My career in that firm was never the same again. It’s hardly a Hollywood ending but I’m still glad I did that. My reward was internal. I could live with myself.

I later learned that everyone in that country’s administration was corrupt and later the bank collapsed. I did my job, or at least tried to. What a pity others didn’t. I suppose I could and should have done more. I made my personal protest, but I admit that by not going public, I weaken my superficially pure stance. This is a good reason why we need sound whistle blowing systems. A whistle blower should not have their life destroyed. A career setback is one thing, but not a destruction. Veiled threats aren’t a good thing either.

In the case above, the situation was dire and people were involved in covering up bad financial news. I now know some were criminals. This is the classic scenario.

In another case, I was working for a foreign multinational. We had a particularly good year. We had way past what we needed for all senior management to get their bonuses. I was asked to cover up GOOD financial news. The idea was that we should report all we needed as revenue and profits in one year to get to the bonus level and then give the following year a kick start by shunting the part we “didn’t need” into the following year. I had some of the worst professional arguments I have ever had over that one.

I can be pragmatic as anyone but I would never have done what they wanted me to. In effect I would have been telling the headquarters (and for that matter the Australian authorities – tax and ASIC) that our revenue and profits were MUCH lower than they actually were. It was millions, again. All around me they were saying it was harmless because we were only “delaying” good news into the next year. It was just a timing thing.

Bullshit. Accounting is all about timing and if you can’t get the timing right you may as well give up. In effect we really had to say that inventory which was SOLD was still in our warehouse. They dressed it up in fancy language but that was the substance of it. My boss said that we had to do as we were told. I said no we don’t and I won’t. He asked whether I would resign if they went ahead with this plan and I said I would. I was under IMMENSE pressure. Not sleeping, filthy looks in the corridors etc etc.

That’s the part that stinks. Why should I resign for doing my job?

How did I process that one? I had a contact in headquarters I trusted. I told him about it and he said to do the right thing. Much to the fury of local people, I DID do the right thing. In the process I lost my most valuable staff member. He resigned in the midst of it because he too was ethical and couldn’t bear it anymore. I tried so hard to convince him to stick with me and that I would fix it.

In the end I got my way, I fixed it and the right results were reported. Again, relationships were poisoned. This story has a happy ending. Well, sort of. The headquarters contact arranged for a promotion and transfer for me to the headquarters. He was later screwed over in a merger by dirty politics and both of us have since left the company.

Oh joy.

The new company I work for has an inspirational CEO. I know, I hear you moaning already. The days of inspirational CEOs are over. Not really. The right CEO for today is an ethical one. Long term interests of all companies and organisations are to behave ethically. Really.

The CEO of the company I now work for has established an “ethics ombudsman” in the headquarters. I suspect this move is a reaction to recent corporate scandals and a realisation that an internal process is required. Internal audit is hardly enough. We saw in Enron that internal audit questioned the practices but it did not help. Something more is needed. Something at a very high and very independent level. My current CEO should be commended. She is totally committed to ethics.

The idea of an internal “ethics ombudsman” is a great initiative but Margo I think your idea is a great addition. You can have an “internally independent” process but ultimately you need something which can be totally pure in the sense of giving more than just the appearance of independence.

It has to be pure independence in fact, not just appearance. An internal process will always be seen as something which is more easily compromised. I am not trashing internal processes. They are the first line and the most important defence. That said though, something more would be really nice.

Why not? All of us in the corporate world need to pause and reflect. Mere tinkering is not enough. A revolution is required and startling initiatives are urgently needed. I want to be startled. I want to be energised by something totally new. Faith and confidence in the system is key. That can’t be regained without substantial, far reaching changes.

Training is needed. Some have forgotten and need to be retrained in the ways of ethics. Some of it is indeed nuanced. That is why a discussion is helpful. We can never have enough discussion about this. It will never go away. I’m no saint and I’m all ears.

And don’t believe existing bodies when they say they have it covered. I belong to one which has a members ethical counselling service. A mate of mine went to them in dire need of advice earlier this year and they were hopeless. They offered no help at all. The whole thing is window dressing crap. When you really need them, they won’t be there for you.

This mate of mine had to resign from his job to get out of his ethical dilemma and endure three months of frightening unemployment. Some people may treat this lightly but I think it is outrageous that a well known professional body has a so-called ethical counselling service that failed so abysmally. Sure, it may be an isolated case but it should never happen. In the case of my mate it was serious stuff. His employer was on the verge of bankruptcy and hadn’t paid “group tax” (ie the pay as you earn tax deducted from employees) in nearly a year. No one cared for him. He’s a good guy and no one cared or listened. He could only trash himself to survive and sleep at night.

I have become somewhat jaded, but live in hope.

Finally, I say show no mercy to those who act unethically. Absolutely none. A bit of carrot is nice but I reckon only a lot of potential stick will be the thing that will get some people acting ethically. Sydney’s full of crooks.

More people like Fels in this life would be good. A man with a mission. Less of the eastern suburbs set would be even better.

We urgently need a long, open and detailed debate on ethics. We did NOT learn the lessons of the 1980s. Are we to learn the lessons of the late nineties and early 21st century?

We have to or the system will not recover

PS: An open discussion on nuanced issues would also be nice.

***

2. Impossible odds

Daniel Boase-Jelinek

I suggest that the problem with encouraging ethical behaviour is not that people don’t know what it (ethics) is, but that they don’t know how to respond without losing their jobs.

You might wish to look up the work of Sharon Beder in researching your talk on ethics. Dr Sharon Beder is Professor of Science, Technology and Society at the University of Wollongong.

A couple of years ago I was invited to run a workshop for Environmental Engineering students at the University of WA. Environmental Engineers face ethical dilemmas all the time because their employers generally are companies that wish to promote projects that inevitably cause environmental destruction, and the environmental engineers are being used to justify this destruction and put a public relations gloss on it.

I used Sharon’s research in working through a whole lot of issues with these idealistic students, searching with them to find a balance between protecting their integrity while keeping their jobs.

The outcome that they arrived at was that people working alone as whistle-blowers rarely survive, and rarely succeed in getting their message out.

The students realised that the only alternative to becoming cynical was to work very hard to develop a community of support within and outside the organisation and to search collaboratively for ways to protect their integrity.

***

Jozef Imrich

Ghandi warned us of the dangers of living in an age characterised by:

Politics without principle

Wealth without work

Commerce without morality

Pleasure without conscience

Education without character

Science without humanity

Workship without sacrifice

 

***

3. What are ethics?

Karel Zegers

Too many confuse ethics with ideological opinion. Some want us to believe that anyone not agreeing with their particular ‘ethics’ (read dogmas) is un-ethical. Which in reality is taking away the freedom of speech and opinion under threat of being discredited and labelled.

***

Nick Jans

Like you, I’d like to think that I would have exposed the truth in the children-overboard affair. But few can be confident that they would actually follow through with their convictions.

I want to mention a cartoon on ethics I once saw in the New Yorker around Watergate time. Sleek business executive presses a button on his desk, barks into the intercom: Miss Jones, send me in a man who can tell the difference between right and wrong.

Seemed funny at the time, but I think I was (probably still am) naive.

***

Tony Kevin in Canberra

To me (and these are not original thoughts but distillations of thoughts of others) ethics and ethical behaviour relate directly to respect for the dignity and worth of every other human being or, if one wants to extend the point this far as Peter Singer does, to sentient pain-feeling animals.

Ethics is thus almost entirely about conduct in society – how one deals with other human beings. It would have little if any meaning to a person who was living in total isolation from others – Robinson Crusoe before Friday turned up – and therefore has no meaning to a psychopath who cannot empathise with others outside himself.

On this definition, ethics comes into everything – whether it would be how to define a “just war” against Iraq (an attack in which huge numbers of Iraqi civilians would die), the ethics of company honesty towards shareholders and employees, the ethics of border protection, sexual relationships, friendships – it is all about respecting other people and being aware of it when one’s actions hurt other people.

Ethics on this basis can be based either in religion (“we are all of equal value in the sight of God”) or on secular principles ( “we all share our common humanity”). The result in terms of conduct is the same (Raymond Gaita).

I don’t think ethics is all that complicated to think about. But living it is a lot harder.

***

Chris Kuan

When I was going through an idealistic phase a few years back, I grabbed some information from the St. James Ethics Centre. I noted a distinction being made between ethics and morals: ethics is concerned with one’s conduct towards others, whereas morals is (are?) concerned more with inward-looking behaviour.

So morals might relate to issues of right and good (e.g. justice *being* done) while ethics might relate to issues of accountability and transparency (e.g. justice being *seen* to be done)

PS: You mis-typed “etymology”. “Entomology” is concerned with insects. And while I’m quite prepared to believe that epithet is oft-applied to journos, I think we can keep this discussion on a more civil level 🙂

***

Peter Woodforde in Canberra

You ask: What are ethics and what is ethical behaviour? I was gonna say “Geez, where do I start?” But the real question is: where do you finish?

Few of us face, very often, the ethical dilemma of, say, a Catholic priest who follows the party line on abortion, but is morally, intellectually and emotionally opposed to the view that you should tell hundreds of millions of poorly educated, desperately poor, often superstitious women that they will burn in hell for eternity should they employ contraception. He knows it isn’t nice.

So where does that bloke end up? His Church is an instrument of some good, after all. Hopefully, he will end up comforting the afflicted and maybe, just maybe, afflicting the comfortable somewhere. His ethics might take him outside the church, and he might even end up with dependents or a partner rather than a flock.

It doesn’t matter that he is no longer selling his soul to the devil, or setting out each day trowelling together a pastiche of ad hoc personal misery.

What does matter is the notion of a conscientious step forward, rather than sideways or backwards, or even the moral marching on the spot currently so fashionable. A conscious feeling of personal moral progress, not merely a sort of ritual cleaning of personal defilement.

One of the weird things about ethics is that there does not seem to be any way of punishing another person for “a beach of ethics”, which has the air of getting inside Winston Smith’s head.

Thank Christ for good ol’ law, which saves us the trouble, even if it gives us the sternal stiflement of too much order.

***

Helen Lawson Williams in Sydney

I recently completed my PhD thesis in this area, looking at personal value systems and how they influence people’s responses to ethical dilemmas they witness at work. Apart from amassing miscellaneous quotes from terribly credible people (see below), here are some random thoughts on what business ethics might be, and what that might mean for businesses.

1. From any cursory look at the business ethics literature, I’d argue that no objective formulation of what is ethical and what is unethical can be derived (despite the conceptual tools offered by the teleological, deontological, stakeholder and “folk” approaches). As Aristotle himself argued, ethics can’t be an exact science.

Ultimately, the decision about whether a given action is ethical or not will rely on a value judgement, a decision as much based on internal, personal values as on external, objective rules for what is important or right. That is, it’s impossible to exclude the subjective from any study of ethics, and so our understanding of it has to focus on how such subjective evaluations are made – according to personal value systems, which tend to be fairly consistent within defined social groups.

2. However, the philosophical literature offers several very useful points, the most important of which (I believe), is that nearly all discussions of ethics share the common theme of priorities. No teleologist ever denied the right of a decision-maker to benefit herself or her company, as long as the decision brings no greater harm to others; no duty-bound deontologist would fault her for doing the same, as long as she can do so within the bounds of her duty to others.

In other words, no approach to ethics would deny the right or necessity of businesses to make a profit. It’s only when that profit comes at the expense of great harm to others, or to the detriment of duty, that it’s termed unethical. And in fact the empirical research I did backed this up – it’s the issue of fairness, of having got the priorities wrong, which most often made people angry enough to confront a supervisor who they felt had made an unethical decision, or leave an organisation where they felt unethical decisions were the norm.

3. But the big question is, why should organisations go to the trouble of trying to act ethically? The answer offered repeatedly, though not always explicitly, by business leaders in their discussions of business ethics is that “[a]s corporations, we live at the sufferance of the public” (Butler, 1997). That is, organisations operate in many ways as any other entity within a social group, and thus may be considered subject to similar rules of conduct.

Indeed, at least one definition of morality concerns the rules or sanctions used to classify behaviours which are considered right or wrong within a particular social group, and the understanding that these are applicable to all who regard themselves as members of that group or society (Reber, 1985).

The argument, in other words, is that for a business to survive in the social world, it must play by the rules. Which is really all ethics is about, for me – it’s setting the ground rules for how we need to behave in order to live together as a society, and ensuring that those who choose to play by other rules are firmly but gently reminded of how interdependent we all are.

Some quotes:

Aristotle: Our account of [ethics] will be adequate if it achieves such clarity as the subject-matter allows; for the same degree of precision is not to be expected in all discussions; it is the mark of the trained mind never to expect more precision in the treatment of any subject than the nature of that subject permits; for demanding logical demonstrations from a teacher of rhetoric is clearly about as reasonable as accepting mere plausibility from a mathematician.

G.E. Moore: Ethics is the general enquiry into what is good.

Arnold Schopenhauer: Compassion is the basis of morality.

Bertrand Russell: Without civic morality communities perish; without personal morality their survival has no value.

Thomas Jefferson: It is strangely absurd to suppose that a million human beings, collected together, are not under the same moral laws which bind each of them separately.

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4. The sunshine test

Allison Newman

Aahhhh! Ethics is such a tricky concept! Or is it?

It needs to be said that there is no such thing as universal ethics. This distinction is important, because ethics are something that must be assessed in a societal conflict.

As Margo’s Ethics piece suggests, it is impossible to legislate for ethical behaviour, and any attempt to do so would be counter-productive. This is directly related to ethics being tied to societal values. Societal values are malleable, they change with time. No legislative framework could hope to keep up with such malleable values.

Fortunately there is another option Margo alludes to. In discussing ethics there is one overall “test” to determine whether behaviour is ethical or not. It is known as the Sunshine Test, and the idea is that you ask yourself if you would be happy for your friends and peers to know what you are doing. If the answer is no, then it’s a fair bet that what you are doing is unethical. The beauty of the test is that it implicitly takes into account society’s values (as expressed by your friends/peers).

In a practical sense, this Sunshine Test can be taken out of the realms of thought experiment, and enacted in real life. This is the type of thing Margo’s proposed body to investigate unethical behaviour would achieve. Because the hearings would be public, public censure would result if any unethical behaviour was uncovered. The threat of having a spotlight turned upon your internal affairs would certainly be something to give many a CEO pause for thought, as they considered applying the letter but not the spirit of the law.

Of course there are problems with the system. The reporting would have to be handled to ensure that the finally published results were equitable (if only one side of a story is presented in the media for example, then someone might suffer public censure without ever receiving a “right of reply”). And of course, with the cynicism of the modern age, public censure has lost some of it’s bite. Look at the last election. The Howard Government was caught out LYING to the public about children overboard mere days before the election, and they still got comfortably elected.

In fact, probably the only censure of any meaning is that CEOs might find it a bit more difficult to acquire lines of credit from banks, or to achieve trust in their business dealings. Then again, they might not, because in reality, the only thing that interests other commercial interests is your ability to generate money. In the society of a CEO’s peers, the overwhelming importance of money over all other things would have a major impact. Someone would be censured far more for losing money than for behaving unethically as society at large might see it (as opposed to how a board of peers would see it).

So both the hardline (legislative) approach, and the softly softly (public hearings approach) have substantial problems. This is probably one of those situations where a feedback mechanism (punishment for behaving unethically, reward for behaving ethically) is not going to work.

In engineering terms, an open loop system might work better. This basically means that you drum into children what ethical values are so that they will live by them in future life, with no need for enforcement (compliance is automatic, they can’t even consider not behaving that way). In years gone by this is precisely what the Church used to do. Nowadays there is no institution providing such a service, and the result is a proliferation of Jodee Rich’s.

We do still do this to a certain extent. For example, Australian society teaches its young that it is unacceptable to just throw rubbish on the ground. To a large extent this approach is successful, to the extent that Australians are shocked on visiting places like London to see people just dropping their rubbish on the ground. Australians find it nearly unthinkable to do the same thing. When they do litter, it is done so furtively, away from scrutiny.

In Australia, the Sunshine Test would be an effective way of controlling litter because of the lessons taught to us as children. In London, the same test would completely fail to change people’s behaviour, because it has become socially acceptable to litter.

You now get to have the fun of deciding just what values you are going to choose to teach the young. It could make for some interesting Civics classes!

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5. Ethics and international affairs

Meagan Phillipson

It’s easy to give a descriptive of ethics/morality and how you personally relate to a system of it in your own, life but quite a different matter to attempt to understand its application in a social or political context. In a society, who decides what is ethical and what’s not? Just look at the ethical problems arising from the Israel/Palestinian conflict. One person’s freedom fighter is another person’s terrorist.

Because it is such a subjective issue, it’s more fascinating to look at the juncture between personal morality and collective morality rather than an individuals view on how they relate it to their life.

I have included an essay I wrote this year on whether morality and justice can mix. Although it’s a little formal in places, it is my view on morality/ethics and its possible place in society. Hope it helps.

Collective morality

By Meagan Phillipson

When approaching whether morality and justice can relate meaningfully to international politics, it is important to firstly clarify the approach to be taken in analysis. Without clarification, the elevation of the personal can be negative, as too much faith can make the analyser blind to flaws. Conversely, too much cynicism can make them blind to potential.

A possible solution to this problem may be to call for a balance between the two extremes, yet it would be more appropriate to remove the presence of faith in this particular question. For within the context of international politics, faith is redundant as it calls for assumptive reasoning in a landscape of constant change and hidden agendas.

That said, the absence of faith does not necessarily mean that the perceptual viewpoint falls completely into the realm of cynicism. Rather, it would be better to replace faith with hope, as the latter does not assume the future will be a certain way but rather merely allows for the possibility that the future can be a certain way.

In such a framework, cynicism can be tempered with enough hope to sidestep assumptions while opening perceptions to potentials for positive change in the future.

On an individual level, moral judgment is an aid to determining one’s position in relation to an objective situation or abstract concept. In this sense, morality is a subjective construct influenced by the external world view an individual is immersed in, with each individual shaped by their own interpretation and adoption of what they perceive to be right and wrong.

Because of the subjective nature of morality, it holds true that the morality of a situation is dependent upon the viewpoint through which it is being perceived and can therefore never truly be universal. That said though, it could be argued that morality can be shared collectively on a domestic level if the issue is polarizing a state against an outside force, such as is the case in war.

Yet even then, the result is not universal but rather majority led, as seen in America’s War on Terror, which is supported in moral principle by a majority yet not universally supported by all American citizens.

Above the individual level, the state acts with the agential power it has been imbued with by the people and so is a concentration of the collective will of the majority into one instrument. Therefore, the power of the state to act is much stronger than that of an individual but, in order to maintain power, the state actors should behave roughly in accordance to the moral appropriateness of the collective. Even in undemocratic cases of power being held by force there is a need, however more slight, that the moral will of the people be reflected for fear of power been swept away by revolution.

Yet attempts by state actors to behave in accordance with the perceived collective morality of the domestic constituency highlights the problematic inherent in the individualistic nature of morality. Namely, whether in the binary of citizen/state or state/international system, the application of reflected morality by the state is at best a guessing game and, at worst, open to some degree of partisan ends-orientated exploitation.

The failure of moral universality on the domestic level is transposable to international politics, as not all states hold the same set of morals just as not all individuals do within the overarching structure of a state. Nevertheless, morality in all its awkward diversity still has a role to play in International politics because it holds the possibility of bringing order to the system by helping to define generally accepted boundaries of behaviour.

If these boundaries of moral behaviour are not followed, there is a crucial need to act against individual state offenders – otherwise there would be little deterrence for other states not to act similarly. Because of this, justice is closely connected to morality and the desire to create and maintain order within international politics, as it creates consequences for moral aberrations.

Justice can be narrowly defined in international politics as morality in action through legislative, militaristic and economic means. More broadly, justice also encompasses the attempted realization of abstract morality into the lives of all global citizens and not just a select few. The moral key to such ambition is equality – between genders, races, north and south – as well as fairer distributive justice in relation to the world’s resources.

Applying morality in an objective way within international politics is near impossible because individual actors work within their own frameworks of vested interest and ends-orientation. The subjective nature of morality and its application within international politics is highlighted in the battle over the world’s resources being fought by civil society, governments and corporations alike.

Further complicating the issue is that moral benchmarks are been flouted by stronger state/non-state actors with virtually no ramifications because of the high level of interdependency within international politics. A weaker state dependent on a stronger state for growth would find it politically difficult to call the stronger state on a moral issue because there may be a threat to personal interests and continued relations. As an extension of the problems raised by inequitable power relations and the subjective nature of morality, the application of it through justice is flawed because even the most objective of laws are still interpreted and applied by subjective individuals.

Note also that moral responsibility and commitment to justice is not necessarily bound to international legal obligations. The adoption of moral judgment and a commitment to justice norms by an individual state is voluntary, yet usually adopted in order to gain legitimacy and recognition amongst like-minded peers on the international stage. As a result, there is a danger that issues of morality and justice will be supported in theory by the state for gain yet, in practice, barely adhered to for fear of loss.

Thus, a commitment to certain modalities of morality and justice have the potential to become little more than a mask individual states assume in order to garner legitimisation and form strategic alliances. Because of this, the acceptance of moral codes out of a desire for acceptance amongst peers should not be considered as a viable alternative to legal obligations as the non-binding nature means that the inherent potential is merely complimentary rather than successional.

In summary, morality and justice within the context of international politics is like mixing oil with water because of the complicity of self-interest and the subjective nature of the two concepts. Yet, for the sake of humanity, universal agreement and adoption of minimum standards in morality and justice must be striven towards. Whether this will ever be fully achieved or whether instruments of morality and justice within international politics will progress beyond current points of influence is an issue of great interest and perhaps even hope.

New year resolutions

 

Ignorance is an abyss, by Webdiary artist Martin Davies in Canada

Happy New Year!

Harry Heidelberg is the first Webdiary columnist off the block this year, with a piece on the one million Australians living overseas. What to make of the Australian diasporais at harryJan13, and there’s already lots of reader feedback.

On the recommendation of an artist friend, I’ve started reading the work Cicero produced amid the breakup of the Roman republic and its replacement by dictatorship. Go back to the classics, she advised, and learn how to stay calm as the world burns.

I’m nearly 44, an age when the individual can personally attest to changing trends in our values and way of life. For me, I hope last year was the last when anger, frustration and despair ruled my professional psychology. When you don’t like what’s happening around you, you can burn out with impotent rage or you can retreat to a space you feel you can control. I’m looking for a third way this year – inner calm through articulation of my core values and living those values on a daily basis. I’ll try to be more measured in my observations, and will refuse to lose hope. That includes switching the emphasis on Webdiary from finding fault and railing against the horror around us to looking for the key disagreements on issues, searching for some consensus, and looking for solutions, as well as discussing the role of the individual in the state we’re in. Cross fingers.

Judging from your emails, Iraq was the political issue most on people’s minds over Christmas. I recall a brief period of hope after September 11 that the cancer of the Israeli/Palestinian war would finally be tackled head-on and solved by sheer force of world commitment forged by urgent necessity. Tony Blair took that hope further, arguing that September 11 could – if wise heads prevailed – cleanse global capitalism of its excesses and inspire concerted effort by the world’s great powers towards a sustainable peace. Tony Blair’s post-September 11 speech is at Blair vision, (webdiary4Oct2001). Canadian leader Jean Chretien also articulated the possibility of a rethink of the direction our world was taking ( The power to humiliatewebdiary17Sep2002) and Webdiarists also put their thinking caps on (see A pattern can be discerned,webdiary24July2002).

Yet John Howard and his government, as Scott Burchill shows in a piece for Webdiary today on the propaganda myths surrounding the proposed war on Iraq, has taken no part in this crucial debate. We have become an acolyte. After September 11, Howard was content to regurgitate the US story of what it meant until, the vacuum having become intolerable, he promised to state “the intellectual case” for invading Afghanistan. (See Howard’s casewebdiary25Oct2001, and, for the lead-up to the speech, see Intellectual interventionwebdiary23Oct2001.) Now, again, an intellectual vacuum in the lead-up to the threatened war on Iraq (see Don’t believe the hypewebdiary16Sep2002). As far as I know, Howard has not even responded to the new national security strategy of the world’s only superpower (published in Manifesto for world dictatorship (webdiary22Sep2002), let alone discussed its ramifications for us.

John Howard has become a deity to backbench members of his party, and a hugely popular Prime Minister lionised as the man in almost religious touch with the feelings of Australians. Yet on war on Iraq, Howard has not convinced the people that support for a unilateral United States strike could be in our interests, and seems so little concerned about the failure that he’s sent troops over there already.

Yet, to my knowledge, being part of a United States invading force not backed by UN resolution would be unprecedented in our history. We have never been an aggressive power, we have never invaded another country without the sanction of the United Nations. If we do this time, doesn’t that mean that we also assume responsibility for what happens after the victory? We’ve never, as far as I know, participated in covert or overt aggressive operations by the United States against a sovereign nation – for example in South America or Africa. Isn’t it a basic precondition for us going to war with the Yanks that we know and agree to their plan for regime change? Do we really want to be complicit in yet another American backed dictatorship like Iran before the revolution or Saudi Arabia today?

Surely Howard has the duty to tell us what America plans, to insist on our consent for the regime-change process before we go in, and to have some guarantees that the Americans would not go off the rails. For example, would we approve of an appropriation of French and Russian oil assets in Iraq? Would we want a democratic process initiated within a defined period, and would we require proof that it is a real process, not a pretence?

Howard has not asked these questions publicly, let alone sought to answer them or suggested that we have any bottom lines at all for joining a non-UN sanctioned invading force. Yet the ramifications of our leap into uncharted waters are mind-boggling.

Then there’s the issue of how our participation in an invasion would impact on our region, our regional neighbours’ attitude to us, and the possible reaction of Islamist terrorist forces in Asia. Again, Howard’s silence or throwaway assurances add to the air of unreality about the debate in Australia.

Before last year’s federal election, ALP foreign policy spokesman Laurie Brereton stated a clear set of principles he believed should underpin Australia’s foreign policy and its relations with the UN. The full text of his speech is at Brereton vision (webdiary5Nov2001).

An extract:

“Australia must always exercise our own independent judgment about our strategic circumstances and ensure that our national interests are safeguarded.

“The objective of the current campaign is to eliminate the global terrorist threat posed by Osama bin Laden and his Al Qaeda organisation, and ensure that Afghanistan ceases to harbour and sustain terrorist organisations. Military action to achieve these objectives should be focussed and conducted to minimise civilian casualties and damage to non-military infrastructure.

“Last week, I pointed out that a military campaign extending beyond Afghanistan would raise very difficult strategic and diplomatic issues. Any military action against targets in other countries which support, sponsor or harbour international terrorist groups would need to be considered quite separately, would need be based on compelling evidence, and would need to command wide international support.

“Beyond the immediate military task in Afghanistan, the international coalition must accept responsibility for the reconstruction of Afghanistan and assist its reintegration as a responsible member of the international community.

“We in Australia must be active in supporting the role of the United Nations in dealing with the humanitarian, security, political and reconstruction challenges that will follow the dissolution of the Taliban regime. I think it highly likely that a UN peacekeeping force, including contingents from a range of Muslim countries, will be required to provide the security required for long-term reconstruction.

“The future of Afghanistan must rest first and foremost with its own people, but a long-term international commitment to this unfortunate country and its people is absolutely imperative.

“Australia must also ensure that the campaign against international terrorism is matched by renewed efforts to address the circumstances that help breed extremism. We must recognise the on-going danger posed by the situation in the Middle East and make every effort to ensure that the Middle East Peace Process is started again. We must do everything we can to help Israelis and Palestinians live side by side in peace and security.

“As an ally of the United States and neighbour to Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim nation, Australia also has a special role in helping ensure that the campaign against international terrorism continues to enjoy the widest possible support, especially among moderate Islamic countries, and is not perceived as a war against Muslims or Islam.

“Lastly, we must also be mindful of and responsive to the global economic and social consequences of the 11 September attacks.

“At the start of last month there was a very interesting, if generally overlooked, interview in the International Herald Tribune with World Bank President Jim Wolfensohn. Wolfensohn spoke about the global humanitarian impact of the 11 September attacks. He said this: “We have seen the human toll from the recent attacks, with citizens from some 80 nations perishing in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania. But there is another human toll that is largely unseen and one that will be felt in all parts of the developing world, especially Africa. We [the World Bank] estimate that between 20,000 and 40,000 more children will die worldwide and some 10 million people will be condemned to live below the poverty line of $1 a day because of the terrorist attacks.”

“Wolfensohn made the point that when you have a combination of global downturn and severe drops in commodity prices and a huge reduction in international trade, the people who suffer most are those in the developing countries. It passes straight through to people living on the margin. There is an absolute link between declining global economic activity and rises infant mortality and poverty.

“Wolfensohn argues that to address this looming crisis we need greater financial support from governments and international institutions, a major build up of international aid, and a greater opening of trade for developing countries. More broadly, he spoke of the need for more social equity and political stability in the developing world, and for greater recognition of the fact that 80 percent of the world population has only 20 percent of world income.

“One of the big questions of the next few years is whether the developed world will take up this challenge, whether we will respond to the challenges of globalisation, of globalised trade and globalised inequality.

“Labor is convinced a new internationalist commitment is vital. National security issues loom larger, but we must not lose sight of the fact that inequality and insecurity are inextricably linked. Long-term security can only be achieved through international cooperation addressing injustice and inequality.”

***

Scott’s piece details the double standards at work in the Iraq ‘debate’. The debate seems to go nowhere from there – many supporters of a unilateral strike argue either that what America did in the region was a long time ago, or don’t argue the point at all. Yet the overwhelming evidence that the West armed Iraq surely deserves an acknowledgement of past mistakes, and a detailed debate on the lessons to be leant and a blueprint for how to avoid them again. Are we really stuck with “Welcome to the real world – and we’re on the side of the superpower so we should be OK’ line?

A big plus of Scott’s piece for me is that he proposes a ‘solution’. He argues that the policy of containment of Iraq is working, and remains the safest course of action.

There’s room for anything to happen in the big picture, including Saddam standing down. In Australia, Simon Crean looks as though he might be settling in to opposing a unilateral strike. There is a precedent – Labor opposed the war in Vietnam from the beginning – but this time Crean would be articulating a view held by the majority of Australians. A strong, detailed speech rejecting Australian participation in a unilateral invasion when Parliament resumes would put enormous pressure on Howard to at least outline his conditions for joining a US invasion, if he has any. My view on the domestic political dynamics of a war on Iraq hasn’t changed since I wrote When politics is in the blood (smh26Sep2002) for the Herald in September.

***

Our great debate between Webdiarists John Wojdylo and David Makinson on going to war took a twist over Christmas. John had put the knife into David on the erroneous basis that he was a Professor, and has apologised. David advised:

“Have looked through John’s reply to my piece. As I’ve declared the peace I’ll not be responding. Just one question though – why does he keep referring to me as a professor? At first I thought he was just being sarcastic, but the reference in his latest diatribe seems to be genuine. Please tell John from me that I am no professor – I don’t even have a degree. I suspect he may be mistaking me for someone else. I also suspect this may explain some of the hysterical tone of his attacks on me. He imputes motives to me which are just way beyond my reach. In all honesty – I am not that smart. My credentials are no more than those of a concerned middle class, middle aged, suburban dad. I am by trade an accountant. If in my naivete I am missing some subtle point of John’s with all these professor references (he seems above cheap sarcasm, somehow) I would appreciate an explanation.”

The John-v-David debate was a highlight for me last year, and generated significant interest from readers. The latest comment comes from Robert Adams, who didn’t like John’s aggressive tone in his year-end rejoinder to David’s Never give up your disbelief (webdiary10Dec2002 in The hope we deserve (johncol).

I have found the argument between John Wojdylo and David Makinson compelling. It is always fascinating to me when two people of such obviously considerable intelligence, working with essentially similar information, draw such diametrically opposed conclusions.

I think a key difference is that David writes instinctively, from what seems to be a clear conviction of what is right and what is wrong, whereas John writes from an intellectual or at least analytical perspective. David’s thinking seems to me to come from a core of essential humanity, John’s rests on hard nosed, and often very selective, rationality.

John is clearly frustrated that David will not meet him on this analytical ground, and has on a couple of occasions lamented that David has not done the reading that John so kindly provides for us. From even a cursory reading of David’s offerings it is clear he is at least as well versed in the issues as John, but he is right not to try to run this debate on terms set by John, for that would be foolish.

A key feature of John’s debating style is to disparage an opponent in terms that are often sneering and snide. Many of the labels John has pinned to David are simply silly. David has, I sense reluctantly, tried to respond in similar vein at times, but in truth it does not really work – he is outgunned. I note that he recently called an end to the fight with John, but I do hope he will reconsider. The debate needs two sides, and Webdiary needs David’s intelligence to balance John’s intellect.

To David I would say: Stick to your convictions, and present your arguments in your own way. Don’t try to play John at his game. To John, I would say: You make many telling points, but by playing the man and not the ball, as you so often do, you damage your message. The real debate is about Iraq, not David.

Which brings me to the core of the discussion, and here I must declare an earlier background in the legal profession, for far too many years. Donald Rumsfeld and others have said, regarding Iraq, that the United States is not trying to make a case that would stand up in a court of law. This is both fortunate and necessary for them, because, based on all the evidence we have so far been provided, there is no conceivable case – under any legal system – for going to war with Iraq.

On this basis, it is obviously quite important that we do not in fact require such a case.This absence of a legal, moral or ethical case is what stumps David. John describes the war as a “moral good”, but he has failed to prove his point, thus relegating it to mere assertion. It is those who advocate war, not those pleading for peaceful resolutions, who must meet the onus of proof.

Thus far they have failed to do so. In the end, this is the key reason why the David/John debate should continue. Because David’s instincts are right. And John, for all his analysis, is wrong.”

***

This year, David is hard at work on a piece about what us ordinary folks can do. John has read books from leading Islamic dissidents, and will write on the culture wars within Islam.

Here’s a short comment by Scott on the North Korea crisis, followed by his excellent ‘Counterspin: Pro-war mythology’.

***

Weapons of mass destruction as self-defence

by Scott Burchill

“We will work closely with our coalition to deny terrorists and their state sponsors the materials, technology and expertise to make and deliver weapons of mass destruction. …The United States of America will not permit the world’s most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world’s most destructive weapons.” President George W. Bush, State of the Union Address, 29 January, 2002.

As the 12 month anniversary of President Bush’s ‘axis of evil’ speech approaches, it’s worth reflecting on what a disaster it has been for moderates in Iran, South Korea’s embryonic ‘sunshine policy’ of rapprochement with the North and, undoubtedly in the weeks ahead, it will be for the people of Iraq.

More specifically, it is worth considering President Bush’s words above in light of the lesson that the Iraq-North Korea duality is now teaching the world: If you want to deter the war addicts in Washington, you’d better have weapons of mass destruction and resources of terror. Nothing else will work.

How else can we explain Washington’s contrasting approaches to Iraq (which doesn’t have nuclear weapons or the potential to build them for some years) and North Korea (which has at least two nuclear devices and wants to build more)? The former is being threatened with imminent war while the latter confronts only diplomatic offensives.

Given threats by Washington and London it’s little wonder Iraq and other members of the “axis of evil” want to develop weapons of mass destruction. As the realist theorist Kenneth Waltz argues, “North Korea, Iraq, Iran and others know that the United States can be held at bay only by deterrence. Weapons of mass destruction are the only means by which they can hope to deter the United States. They cannot hope to do so by relying on conventional weapons”.

However, because we have so deeply internalised the myth that the US is a defensive nation which never instigates aggression against others, we rarely, if ever, consider things from the viewpoints of Pyongyang, Teheran or Baghdad. In the West, these are states which by definition can never legitimately acquire the weaponry so keenly stockpiled in vast quantities by Washington and its allies. It’s an obvious double standard. North Korea can be criticised for withdrawing from the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), while Israel is not even though it has always refused to sign it.

There can be no doubt about North Korea’s ideological delinquency and the paranoia of its leaders. However, in the present climate its desire to acquire more weapons of mass destruction is perfectly rational and understandable.

***

Counterspin: Pro-war mythology

by Scott Burchill

Scott Burchill is a lecturer in international relations at the School of Social & International Studies, Deakin University.

- Your say

Perhaps the most remarkable feature of this pre-war period is that despite intelligence dossiers, parliamentary speeches and months of disingenuous government propaganda portraying Saddam Hussein as an imminent threat to life on earth, only 37% of Australians support an illegal, unilateral strike by Washington against Baghdad.

We can be confident the Australian Government is concerned by this figure when the Prime Minister starts conjuring implausible and hysterical “what if in 5 years time…” scenarios to bolster his case for war (The Australian, 1 January, 2003). It’s not easy making the current peace “seem unacceptably dangerous” (Mearsheimer & Walt 2002).

Spin doctors and PR consultants will therefore be working hard over the next two months in an effort to close the gap between public opposition to a war against Iraq and government enthusiasm thinly disguised as a commitment to the process of UNMOVIC (the United Nations Monitoring, Verification & Inspection Commission).

Their work will be made considerably easier by the support of loyal servants of state power within the fourth estate who will be reliable conduits for opinion management by governments in Canberra, London and Washington.

Amongst the agitprop, disinformation and outright fabrications by commissars and politicians, the following questions and themes will be prominent in future weeks. Each of them deserves careful analysis.

Is Saddam Hussein likely to use weapons of mass destruction (WMD) against the US and its allies?

First, many states, including the US, the UK and Israel, acquire these weapons for deterrence against external attack. You’ve got to admire Prime Minister Howard and the pro-war lobby for pretending not to understand the lesson that Iraq-North Korea are now teaching the world: If you want to deter the war addicts in Washington, you’d better have weapons of mass destruction and resources of terror. Nothing else will work.

Why wouldn’t Iraq develop WMD for deterrence purposes given threats by Washington and London? We are discouraged from seeing things from Iraq’s point of view, but in many ways WMD make sense for vulnerable states. As the realist theorist Kenneth Waltz argues, “North Korea, Iraq, Iran and others know that the United States can be held at bay only by deterrence. Weapons of mass destruction are the only means by which they can hope to deter the United States. They cannot hope to do so by relying on conventional weapons.”

As with every country, Iraq’s weapons inventory and systems tell us precisely nothing about its strategic intentions.

Secondly, Iraq had chemical and biological weapons during the Gulf War in 1991 and chose not to use them. Why would Saddam Hussein be more inclined to use them now knowing the horrendous consequences (as they were explained to him by Brent Scowcroft in 1991), unless his personal survival was at stake and he had nothing left to lose? AS CIA head George Tenet reminded President George W. Bush, Saddam was unlikely to launch WMD against the US unless the survival of his regime was threatened.

As Mearsheimer and Walt argue, “the threat of Iraqi nuclear blackmail is not credible. Not surprisingly, hawks do not explain how Saddam could blackmail the United States and its allies when a rival superpower like the Soviet Union [with 40,000 nuclear weapons] never seriously attempted to blackmail Washington, much less did it.”

Saddam Hussein has form: He has used WMD before

It is true that Saddam Hussein has used these weapons before, against those who couldn’t respond in kind – Iranian soldiers and perhaps most infamously on 17 March 1988 against “his own people” in the Kurdish city of Halabja. Within half an hour of this attack over 5000 men, women and children were dead from chemical weapons containing a range of pathogens which were dropped on them.

If Washington and London are genuinely concerned about Iraq’s WMD, why did they continue to supply him with the means to acquire them for 18 months after the attack on Halabja?

Initially, the US blamed Iran for the Halabja attack, a particularly cynical ploy given Saddam had also used chemical weapons against Teheran’s forces during their nine-year conflict in the 1980s. In fact Washington continued to treat Saddam as a favoured ally and trading partner long after the attack on Halabja was exposed as his handiwork.

At the time, the Reagan Administration tried to prevent criticism of Saddam’s chemical attack on the Kurds in the Congress and in December 1989, George Bush’s father authorised new loans to Saddam in order to achieve the “goal of increasing US exports and put us in a better position to deal with Iraq regarding its human rights record “. Surprisingly, the goal was never reached. In February 1989, eleven months after Halabja, John Kelly, US Assistant Secretary of State, flew to Baghdad to tell Saddam Hussein that “you are a source for moderation in the region, and the United States wants to broaden her relationship with Iraq”.

According to the reports of a Senate Banking Committee, the United States provided the government of Iraq with ‘dual-use’ licensed materials which assisted in the development of Iraqi chemical, biological and missile-system programs. According to the report, this assistance included “chemical warfare-agent precursors; chemical warfare-agent production facility plans and technical drawings; chemical warfare-filling equipment; biological warfare-related materials; missile fabrication equipment and missile system guidance equipment”. These technologies were sent to Iraq until December 1989, 20 months after Halabja.

According to William Blum a “veritable witch’s brew of biological materials were exported to Iraq by private American suppliers,” including Bacillus Anthracis (cause of anthrax), Clostridium Botulinum (a source of botulinum toxin), Histoplasma Capsulatam (causes disease which attacks lungs, brain, spinal chord and heart), Brucella Melitensis (bacteria which attacks vital organs) and other toxic agents. The US Senate Committee said “these biological materials were not attenuated or weakened and were capable of reproduction,” and it was later discovered that “these microorganisms exported by the United States were identical to those the United Nations inspectors found and removed from the Iraqi biological warfare program”.

After the recent leaking in Germany of Iraq’s 12,000 page declaration of its weapons program, it is now known that at least 150 companies, mostly in Europe, the United States and Japan, provided components and know-how needed by Saddam Hussein to build atomic bombs, chemical and biological weapons. Unsurprisingly, the US was keen to excise these details from Iraq’s report before its wider dissemination to non-permanent members of the Security Council (Newsday (US), 13 December, 2002; The Independent (UK), 18 & 19 December, 2002; Scotland on Sunday (UK), 22 December, 2002).

Historian Gabriel Kolko claims that “the United Stares supplied Iraq with intelligence throughout the war [with Iran] and provided it with more than $US5 billion in food credits, technology, and industrial products, most coming after it began to use mustard, cyanide, and nerve gases against both Iranians and dissident Iraqi Kurds”.

If the US is genuinely concerned by Saddam’s WMD, why did Donald Rumsfeld (then a presidential envoy for President Reagan, currently President George W. Bush’s Defence Secretary) fly to Baghdad in December 1983 to meet Saddam and normalise the US-Iraq relationship, at a time when Washington new Iraq was using chemical weapons on an “almost daily” basis against Iran (Washington Post, 30 December, 2002)? Why were no concerns about the use of these weapons raised with Baghdad?

Saddam has been successfully deterred from using WMD against other states with WMD. There is no reason to believe this situation has changed or will.

Saddam Hussein has invaded his neighbours twice

True, but this can hardly be a source of outrage for Western governments or a pretext for his removal from power given they actively supported his invasion of Iran in the 1980s with intelligence (eg satellite imagery of Iranian troop positions) and weaponry and, in the case of Washington, told Saddam it was agnostic about his border dispute with Kuwait just prior to Iraq’s invasion in August 1990 (US Ambassador April Glaspie told Saddam in 1990 that “We have no opinion on the Arab-Arab conflicts, like your border disagreement with Kuwait.” The U.S. State Department reinforced this message by declaring that Washington had “no special defense or security commitments to Kuwait”.) This is mock outrage at best.

Saddam’s behaviour is no worse than several of his neighbours. As Mearsheimer and Walt remind us, “Saddam’s past behavior is no worse than that of several other states in the Middle East, and it may even be marginally better”.

“Egypt fought six wars between 1948 and 1973 (five against Israel, plus the civil war in Yemen), and played a key role in starting four of them. Israel initiated wars on three occasions (the Suez War in 1956, the Six Day War in 1967, and the 1982 invasion of Lebanon), and has conducted innumerable air strikes and commando raids against its various Arab adversaries.”

Saddam Hussein is a monster who runs a violent, oppressive regime

True again, though this didn’t prevent him from being a favoured ally and trading partner of the West at the peak of his crimes in the 1980s. As Mark Thomas notes, the conspicuous aspect of British Labour’s attitude to Iraq has been the failure of Blair, Straw, Prescott, Blunkett, Cook or Hoon to register any concerns about Iraq’s human rights record whenever the opportunities arose in the British Parliament during the 1980s and 1990s (New Statesman, 9 December, 2002).

Washington, London and Canberra never had reservations about General Suharto’s brutal rule in Indonesia, to take on one example of relations between the West and autocratic regimes around the world, and were in fact overjoyed when he came to power over the bodies of hundreds of thousands of his fellow citizens in 1965.

Only the threat of force by the US has forced Iraq to accept weapons inspectors

Possibly true, although this ignores the fact that the last time force was used against Iraq on a significant scale because of its non-compliance with UN Security Resolutions, the opposite effect was produced.

After the Clinton Administration and Blair Government attacked Iraq from 16-19 December, 1998, the result was the collapse of Richard Butler’s UNSCOM and the absence of weapons inspectors from Iraq for the next four years. Hardly a testament to the use of force, to say nothing of the precedent this kind of behaviour sets. The Prime Minister’s claim that “Hussein effectively expelled weapons inspectors during 1998” is untrue and he knows it (The Australian, 1 January, 2003). Richard Butler withdrew his weapons inspectors on Washington’s advice only hours before the Anglo-American attacks in December 1998.

Why wasn’t the threat of force an appropriate strategy for the West in response to Indonesia’s brutal 24-year occupation of East Timor? Or South Africa’s occupation of Namibia? Or Turkey’s occupation of northern Cyprus? Or Israel’s occupation of Palestine? Etc, etc,.

Has the threat posed by Saddam Hussein increased recently?

The West, particularly London and Washington, was solidly supporting Saddam when he committed the worst of his crimes at the zenith of his power and influence in the 1980s.

In terms of international support – especially Western and Soviet backing, the strength of his armed forces and the state of his industry and equipment, Saddam was considerably more dangerous then than he is now under harsh UN sanctions, (illegal) no-fly zones in the north (since 1991) and south (since 1993) of the country, political isolation and a degraded civilian infrastructure. Why are Saddam’s attempts to develop WMD a concern now if they weren’t when he actually used them?

Saddam Hussein will pass WMD on to terrorist groups such as Al Qaeda

Despite forensic efforts by Washington to produce a pretext for war, no credible evidence for this claim has been found. All we are left with is unsubstantiated assertions by Bush Administration officials such as Richard Armitage that he has no doubts Iraq would pass WMD on to terrorists (though he doesn’t explain how an obvious return address resulting in reciprocal annihilation could be concealed).

This may be enough for compliant power-magnets in the Australian media, but it cannot withstand even a cursory examination. Where is the evidence for such a claim? Osama bin Laden offered the Saudi Government the resources of his organisation to remove Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1990 instead of Riyadh relying on the US, such is the animosity between Islamic fundamentalists and secular nationalists in the Arab world. Saddam has responded by repressing fundamentalist groups within Iraq.

Would Saddam be likely to hand over to Al Qaeda nuclear weapons so painstakingly built when he, himself might be their first victim? Remarkably, the pro-war lobby reads this history as evidence of likely future co-operation between Baghdad and Al Qaeda.

Much of this is a smokescreen designed to conceal who the real proliferators of WMD are. Which states, for example assisted Israel to develop nuclear weapons – France and the US? What role did Pakistan and China play in helping North Korea build its nuclear stockpile? Why can’t we read the list of European, Asian and US companies which proliferated WMD technologies to Iraq? Instead of imaginary scenarios asking ‘what if Iraq acquires nuclear weapons in five years and what if it passes them on to terrorist organisations?, why not more sensible questions about which rogue states (most of whom are members of the so called ‘war against terrorism’) are already responsible for the proliferation of WMD?

The US wants to democratise Iraq

There is no serious US interest in a democratic transition in Iraq, because this could ultimately encourage the Shi’ite majority in the country to pursue a closer relationship with Shi’ite Iran – a nightmare scenario for Washington. It’s more likely that a dissident former General, possibly involved in war crimes against Iraq’s Kurdish or Shi’ite communities, will be returned from exile and presented as the “democratic opposition” to Saddam Hussein.

The US is interested in compliance and obedience rather than democracy. It has rarely, if ever, expressed an interest in democracy in the Middle East. Ideally, a pro-Western, anti-Iranian, secular “iron fist” would do. The recently rehabilitated Iraqi opposition in exile (with whom until recently the US refused to deal) has no democratic credibility and is largely unknown inside Iraq.

What is the status of pre-emptive strikes in international law?

A number of points can be made about Canberra’s interest in retrospectively amending international law to legitimise a shift of strategic doctrine from deterrence to pre-emption. It would establish a precedent that others (Pakistan, India; North and South Korea) might be encouraged to follow; it would have a destabilising effect on international order; the difficulty (impossibility) of getting changes through the UN Security Council; the heightened sense of vulnerability for smaller states and for states in the region, etc, etc,. It would open up a can of worms.

Significantly, there is currently only one country which could seriously consider exercising a right to anticipatory self-defence under existing international law – Iraq. It has been directly threatened with attack by both the US and UK. There has been no reciprocal threat from Iraq.

The term ‘pre-emptive war’ isn’t strictly accurate. As Steven Miller explains:

“Though Bush’s approach has been almost universally described, in the media and elsewhere, as a doctrine of preemption, this is incorrect. Preemption refers to a military strike provoked by indications that an opponent is preparing to attack. The logic is: better to strike than be struck. But no one is suggesting that Saddam is preparing to strike the United States. There are no indications that this is the case. Bush is instead making the case for preventive war, for removing today a threat that may be more menacing and difficult in the future. The administration may prefer to label its policy preemption because that is an easier case to make. But it is not an accurate use of the term as traditionally defined.”

According to international law specialist Michael Byers, “there is almost no support for a right of anticipatory self-defence as such in present-day customary international law”. To the extent that pre-emptive action is permissible under Article 51 of the UN Charter, it requires very strong evidence and there is a heavy burden of justification. The United States, for example, would have to be facing a specific, grave and imminent threat from Iraq which could only be averted by the use of force. According to the test established in the mid-nineteenth century by US Secretary of State Daniel Webster – criteria applied in 1945 at Nuremberg – the need for pre-emptive action must be “instant, overwhelming, leaving no choice of means, and no moment for deliberation”.

Otherwise a unilateral strike not authorised by the UN Security Council would be an act of aggression and a breach of international law. As claimed earlier, Iraq has a stronger case at this point in time (given US troop and equipment movements in Qatar, to say nothing of Bush’s stated threats).

Christine Gray, author of a seminal modern text on the use of force under international law, argues that the reluctance of states “to invoke anticipatory self-defence is in itself a clear indication of the doubtful status of this jurisdiction for the use of force”. According to Gray, in cases where Israel (Beirut 1968, Tunis 1985) and the US (Libya 1986, Iraq 1993, Sudan & Afghanistan 1998) have invoked anticipatory self-defence under Article 51 to justify attacks on their enemies, “the actions look more like reprisals, because they were punitive rather than defensive”. The problem for the US and Israel, she argues, “is that all states agree that in principle forcible reprisals are unlawful”.

By definition, pre-emptive strikes depend on conclusive intelligence. If the intelligence is wrong, as it was on 20 August 1998 when the Clinton Administration attacked the El Shifa pharmaceutical plant in Khartoum, Sudan, mistakenly believing it was an Al Qaeda chemical weapons factory, the results can be catastrophic for the innocent – self-defence becomes aggression.

Interestingly, the US has not always supported the ‘doctrine’ of anticipatory self-defence, even when its closest allies invoked it. On 7 June 1981 unmarked American-built F-16 aircraft of the Israeli airforce attacked and destroyed a nuclear reactor at Osirak in Iraq. The raid was authorised by Prime Minister Menachem Begin, but had been internally opposed by Yitzhak Hofi, the director of Mossad, and Major-General Yehoshua Saguy, chief of military intelligence, because there was no evidence that Iraq was capable of building a nuclear bomb. This was also the view of the International Atomic Energy Authority. At the time of the attack, Israel itself had been developing and accumulating nuclear weapons for thirteen years, primarily at its nuclear facility at Dimona.

In response to Israel’s unprovoked pre-emptive strike, US Vice President George Bush Snr argued that sanctions had to be imposed on Israel. The US State Department condemned the bombing for its destabilising impact “which cannot but seriously add to the already tense situation in the area”. The basis of Washington’s concern, it must be said, was not its opposition to anticipatory self-defence per se but that Israel had violated the UN Charter by not exhausting all peaceful means for the resolution of the conflict – in truth no peaceful resolution had been sought. A few days after the raid, Ronald Reagan’s White House announced that the planned delivery of four additional F-16s to Israel would be suspended in protest against the attack. The suspension was discretely lifted soon after.

In the current climate when pre-emptive attacks are being invoked as just responses to terrorism, it is worth recalling Princeton University historian Arno Mayer comments in Le Monde shortly after the 9/11 attacks:

“…since 1947 America has been the chief and pioneering perpetrator of “pre-emptive” state terror, exclusively in the Third World and therefore widely dissembled. Besides the unexceptional subversion and overthrow of governments in competition with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, Washington has resorted to political assassinations, surrogate death squads, and unseemly freedom fighters (eg, bin Laden). It masterminded the killing of Lumumba and Allende; and it unsuccessfully tried to put to death Castro, Khadafi, and Saddam Hussein… and vetoed all efforts to rein in not only Israel’s violation of international agreements and UN resolutions but also its practice of pre-emptive state terror.”

The question of oil: Access or control?

From the middle of last century Washington’s foreign policy priority in the Middle East was to establish US control over what the State Department described as “a stupendous source of strategic power and one of the great material prizes in world history”, namely the region’s vast reserves of crude oil. Middle Eastern oil was regarded in Washington as “probably the richest economic prize in the world in the field of foreign investment”, in what President Eisenhower described as the most “strategically important area in the world”.

Control could be most easily maintained via a number of despotic feudal oligarchies in the Gulf which ensured the extraordinary wealth of region would be shared between a small number of ruling families and US oil companies, rather than European commercial competitors or the population of these states. Until recently the US has not required the oil for itself though it needed to ensure that the oil price stayed within a desirable range or band – not too low for profit making or too high to discourage consumption and induce inflation. A side benefit of this control over such a vital industrial resource is the influence it gives the US over economic development in rival countries such as Japan.

The greatest threat to this control has always been independent economic nationalism, especially nationalist politicians within the oil-producing region who, unlike the feudal oligarchies of the Gulf states, would channel wealth into endogenous development priorities rather than to US transnationals.

The US wants to secure reliable access to the world’s second largest oil reserves, 112 billion barrels already known with possibly double that figure still to be mapped and claimed, thus depriving France and Russia of commercial advantages they have developed in Iraq over the last decade when US companies have been excluded. Just as importantly, access to Iraqi oil would also make the US less reliant upon – and therefore less supportive of – the regime in Saudi Arabia. The geo-political dynamics of the Middle East would be transformed.

If Russia and France maintain their inside track on Iraqi oil, then US corporations will be partially shut out from an enormous resource prize. No US administration is likely to accept that scenario. Meanwhile, Iraqi dissidents close to Washington have promised to cancel all existing oil contracts awarded to firms which do not assist the US to remove Saddam Hussein from power. Regime change in Baghdad could therefore be a bonanza for US oil companies and a disaster for Russian and French companies which have painstakingly built up their relations with the Iraqi dictator since the Gulf war. When Iraq’s oil comes fully back on stream, as many as 5 million barrels of oil (or 6.5%) could be added to the world’s daily supply. The implications of this for existing suppliers, the global spot price, economic growth, OPEC and the world’s consumers are enormous.

This is not an issue of access, it is primarily about control. The US was just as concerned to control Middle East oil producing regions when it didn’t depend on them at all. Until about 30 years ago, North America was the largest producer and the US scarcely used Middle East oil at all. Since then Venezuela has normally been the largest oil exporter to the United States. US intelligence projections suggest that in coming years the US will rely primarily on Western Hemisphere resources: primarily the Atlantic basin – Venezuela, Mexico, Brazil, probably Colombia, but also possibly Canada, which has huge potential reserves if they become economically competitive. Imported supplies accounted for 50% of US oil consumption in 2000 and by 2020 the figure is expected to rise to 66%.

Control over the world’s greatest concentration of energy resources has two goals: (1) economic: huge profits for energy corporations, construction firms, arms producers, as well as petrodollars recycled to US treasury, etc; and (2) it’s a lever of global geo-political control. For those trying to understand the motives behind US behaviour towards Iraq, it is impossible to underestimate the importance which oil has in the minds of Washington’s strategic planners.

Attempts to discredit arguments about US access to Iraqi oil by claiming that it if it is interested in access to supplies it could more easily strike a deal with Saddam to satisfy its “thirst for oil” rather than overthrow him, entirely miss the crucial issue – control (The Australian, 2 January, 2003).

The credibility of the UN and Canberra

In September 2002, the Iraq issue in Australia suddenly centred on the honour and integrity of the UN, a subject not previously thought to have concerned the Howard Government. The international community “can’t afford” to have its authority “brushed aside,” argued foreign minister Alexander Downer, otherwise it will “look meaningless and weak, completely ineffectual”. According to the Prime Minister, “if the United Nations Security Council doesn’t rise to its responsibilities on this occasion it will badly weaken its credibility”.

Former chief weapons inspector and Australian Ambassador to the UN, Richard Butler, argued that the Security Council faces the “challenge of its life” and its future would be “terminal” if it didn’t hold Iraq to account this time. His predecessor at the UN, Michael Costello, agrees. “If the UN Security Council won’t enforce its own resolutions against Iraq, the whole UN collective security system will be badly wounded, perhaps fatally.”

One might have thought that the credibility of the UN Security Council had been badly weakened before now, say in Bosnia in 1993, Rwanda in 1994 or in East Timor in 1999 to cite only three recent cases when it failed to protect defenceless civilians from slaughter. Palestinians might wonder why the organisation’s authority hasn’t been “brushed aside” by Israel’s consistent non-compliance with numerous Security Council resolutions calling for it’s withdrawal from occupied territories, from resolution 242 in 1967 to resolution 1402 in March 2002.

Washington clearly has an idiosyncratic view about states complying with UN Security Council resolutions. If the US objects to non-compliance, the country is attacked. If the US favors non-compliance it either vetoes the resolution or disregards it, in which case it is as good as vetoed. Since the early 1970s, for example, the US has vetoed 22 draft Security Council resolutions on Palestine alone – this figure doesn’t include 7 vetoes relating to Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in the 1980s.

At the National Press Club and later on commercial talkback radio, Mr Howard seemed to think that because Israel was a democracy it shouldn’t be judged by the same standards as Iraq. The future of the UN Security Council is not apparently terminal when its resolutions regarding Palestine and Israel are flouted. He should be reminded that democracies are just as obliged to observe international law as authoritarian dictatorships – there is no exemption. In fact we should expect a higher commitment to the rule of law from countries which pronounce their democratic credentials. Later, the argument shifted slightly. Israel wasn’t obliged to observe UN Security Council Resolutions because they are only invoked under Chapter 6 of the UN Charter, rather than Chapter 7. This is a novel interpretation of international law, to put it kindly.

Despite rhetoric which portrays the UN as a foreign body at its moment of truth, it is nothing more than the states which comprise it – including Australia and the US. If it has become dysfunctional, it is those member states which manipulate it for their own individual purposes which are to blame. Those who think the credibility of the UN is suddenly at risk over the question of Iraq might like to explain why non-compliance now is suddenly a pretext for an imminent attack on Iraq when Baghdad has been in violation of UN Security Council resolutions for four years.

The Prime Minister asks if Iraq has “nothing to hide and nothing to conceal from the world community, why has it repeatedly refused to comply with the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council”?

Perhaps it’s for the same reason that he restricts the UN from entering Australia’s refugee detention centres? Or for the same reason Israel would not allow the UN to inspect its research institute at Nes Ziona near Tel Aviv which produces chemical and biological weapons, a stockpile of chemical agents Mr Howard claims he is “not aware” of.

If he had bothered to inquire, Mr Howard would have found that “there is hardly a single known or unknown form of chemical or biological weaponswhich is not manufactured at the institute”, according to a biologist who held a senior post in Israeli intelligence. Nes Ziona does not work on defensive and protective devices, but only biological weapons for attack, claims the British Foreign Report.

The Prime Minister believes that Iraq’s “aspiration to develop a nuclear capacity” might be a sufficient pretext for war. He has repeatedly claimed that “there is already a mountain of evidence in the public domain,” though he didn’t say what any of it actually proved beyond the existing public record, or how it established that the United States faces a specific, grave and imminent threat from Iraq which can only be averted by the use of force.

According to the Prime Minister, the mountain of evidence includes an IISS report which actually found Saddam was much less dangerous now than in the past when he was backed by the West. Scott Ritter, a former UN weapons inspector in Iraq, described the IISS report as little more than conjecture. “It’s absurd. It has zero factual basis. It’s all rhetoric…speculative and meaningless.” There was a similar response to President Bush’s speech to the United Nations General Assembly on 12 September, which outlined Iraq’s breaches of international law. According to conservative Middle East expert Anthony Cordesman, Bush’s speech was “clumsy and shallow” and little more than “a glorified press release.” It offered little, if anything, that wasn’t already on the public record. More a trough than a mountain.

At the UN on 13 September, Foreign Minister Downer claimed that “Iraq’s flagrant and persistent defiance is a direct challenge to the United Nations, to the authority of the Security Council, to international law, and to the will of the international community”. Four days later in the Australian Parliament Mr Downer repeated the charges, that Iraq “directly challenges the authority of the United Nations and international law,” that it poses “a grave threat” to the world, that it “has flouted and frustrated UN resolutionspersistently defied legally binding obligations” and is therefore “a serial transgressor.” Every one of these comments could also have been made about Israel. However, for reasons not explained there are to be no dossiers presented to the Parliament outlining its breaches of UN resolutions, it won’t be called “a serial transgressor” of international law, nor has it’s long history of defying Security Council resolutions ever meant that “the authority of the United Nations was at stake.”

If Washington bypasses the Security Council or cannot get UN authorisation for a strike against Iraq but unilaterally attacks the country regardless, it will have done much greater damage to the UN’s credibility than years of Iraqi non-compliance with Security Council resolutions.

Neither the Prime Minister nor the Foreign Minister have answered the key question: Where is the new evidence that makes military action against Iraq more urgent now than it has been since December 1998 when Richard Butler withdrew UNSCOM from Iraq? Prime Minister Howard claims the onus is on the critics of his Government’s approach to articulate an alternative (The Australian, 1 January, 2003). What about the policy of containment his Government comfortably lived with between 1996 and 2002? As two conservative realists noted:

“The belief that Saddam’s past behaviour shows that he cannot be contained rests on distorted history and dubious logic. In fact, the historical record shows that the United States can contain Iraq effectively – even if Saddam has nuclear weapons – just as it contained the Soviet Union during the Cold War. And that conclusion carries an obvious implication: there is no good reason to attack Iraq at this time” (Mearsheimer & Walt 2002).

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Two powerful conservative/realist critiques of a US war against Iraq, which are nonetheless very sympathetic to Washington, are Steven E. Miller, ‘Gambling on War: Force, Order, and the Implications of Attacking Iraq’ in Carl Kaysen et al, War with Iraq: Costs, Consequences, and Alternatives (American Academy of Arts & Sciences, Committee on International Security Studies, Cambridge MA 2002); and John J. Mearsheimer & Stephen M. Walt, Can Saddam Be Contained? History Says Yes,(Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University, Cambridge MA November 2002).

Developer heaven on hold, for now

 

Austinmer: A headland worth saving

Hi. Since I started writing on overdevelopment in NSW, I’ve been inundated with emails from readers detailing the hot developments in their seats, and the community protests to stop or modify them. We’re hoping to report on some of these early next year in the lead-up to the election, so send me your nominations!

Today, Tim Vollmer, a journalism student at Sydney’s University of Technology, reports on a controversial coastal development in Austinmer, south of Sydney near Wollongong. Wollongong voters spat the dummy at State and local Labor vandalism by recently electing a Green as their MP in Cunningham. It looks like they’re getting a lot of bang for their vote – at least until the election. Here’s Tim’s report.

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Headlands Hotel – Austinmer

by Tim Vollmer

A group of locals have just delayed a controversial coastal development proposal in the latest environmental skirmish around Wollongong.

The past year has seen swinging council opinions and wholesale indecision on the 56 apartment, three-story complex, however Wollongong City Council finally made a stand by demanding a complete redesign of the structure during the December 16 council meeting.

Council recognised that the applicant, Canyork Pty Ltd, who had already begun proceedings in the Land and Environment Court, would likely continue this action, but community demands – and political pressure from both the state member and the Minister for Planning – appeared to win.

While the development itself seems minor in nature, it exemplifies a rebirth of community political involvement – and demonstrates the growing level of discontent with ALP representation on the issue.

While the land is zoned 6(c) tourism in the Local Environmental Plan (LEP), meaning no residential developments, the developers used Clause 38A to use the zoning from 50m away across the road: residential. The resulting development contained 24 residential units, and the potential for the 32 serviced apartments to be converted at a later time to residential.

And while this area is low density residential, the proposed residential was medium density, verging on high density, apartments.

Honorary Secretary of the Headlands Community Action Group (HCAG) Ian Rodden described the area as “one of the most scenic headlands in NSW”, adding that Austinmer, the neighbouring beach, won the Cleanest Beach in NSW award in March.

“We want a better design on such a critical coastal headland,” he said. “We didn’t want a complete refusal. We want a nice development on that site, but not what was proposed. The proposal was 3.5 times the volume of existing building.”

Residents are also relieved that the council didn’t set a precedent by allowing something that violates the Coastal Councils guidelines.

Resident Steve Allan expressed community concerns arising from the charettes (public meetings) that the developers refused to rectify:

* that the development’s footprint and height should be the same as the existing structure (the proposal more than doubled these);

* that it protect the site’s history of use, specifically, the hotel which has been part of the area for 50 years.

However, the decision now rests with the Land and Environment Court (LEC). “We thought that if council did oppose it, PlanningNSW (the State planning department) and the Coastal Council (a State government advisory body) might hold enough weight in the Land and Environment Court to stop it,” Allan said.

Pressure on council came from State MP for Keira David Campbell, with all local councillors received a letter requesting they reject the development application.

“David Campbell had lobbied the councillors. Obviously after the Greens win in Cunningham he didn’t wish to lose green support,” said Rodden.

The Minister for Planning, Andrew Refshauge, is also believed to have requested council to reject the proposal.

The spokesperson for Minister for Planning, Dan Blyde said: “It is quite proper and normal for a Minister, if he has concerns about an issue, to speak to the council itself and indicate his concerns. The minister has expressed his concerns that any developments in the coastal zone must be appropriate.”

However, while the minister can “call in” any development he deems inappropriate, he ;left it instead to the councillors – risking the Development Applications’s (DA’s) approval – perhaps to deflect any blame from either side.

The major concern for Councillor Christian was the size and bulk of the development. “The community is sick of the development,” she said. “Members of the community are increasingly becoming activists. They are using email and the internet to organise.”

Council resolved to demand a complete redesign “in accordance with the advice of PlanningNSW”, whose demands closely mirrored those of community members: the bulk, height and footprint, as well as the sustainability of residential on this headland.

Interestingly, council also voted to change clause 38A in the WCC LEP which Canyork had used to propose the residential element. Clr Martin said that “Wollongong City Council has been discussing the closure of that clause for 3-4 years.”

PlanningNSW was far less willing to discuss the proposal, given the case is due to go before the LEC during February. However, an employee confirmed that PlanningNSW “have objected to the development. The building is to big and bulky; the footprint is too large; it is too high; and the scale overpowers the site.”

Paul Miller spoke to a community mediation meeting on behalf of Canyork Pty Ltd recently, and argued that Canyork had been willing to change the plans to appease the local residents, including the cutback of residential apartments to 30% of the development. However, given the current refusal to redesign the development in line with council demands, and their insistence on going through the LEC, their desire to abide by all demands appears minimal.

Any major redesign that results in a new DA will need to abide by the 1997 NSW Coastal Council Policy. The Coastal Council is a state advisory body regarding coastal development. The Coastal Policy states that “any developments on headlands already developed should be strictly limited to height and scale no greater than existing buildings and will require an environmental assessment, including an assessment of visual impact from adjoining beaches”.

However, this policy – binding in much of the state – lacks weight in Wollongong, because the Carr government excluded council areas from Newcastle to Shell Harbour from it.

Coastal Council Chair Professor Thom said that “had this Local Government Area been under the Coastal Policy when the Development Application came in, we could have taken a stronger position”.

“However, all I could do was inform Wollongong City Council and PlanningNSW that this is the policy and that they should work within the spirit of it.”

In June 2001 NSW Premier Bob Carr announced the Coastal Protection Package, which stated that Wollongong would now come under the Coastal Policy. This was long before the development proposal was placed with council – but the Policy won’t be binding until after February 7.

The protracted battle of the headland was the result the initial developer-friendly ALP decisions of 1997, this protracted battle has occurred, and the community may still result lose it to a development the community, council, and the state all oppose if the LEC backs the developer.

The insanity of excluding these councils from the environmental protection of the Policy is evident, especially in light of the much more publicised Sandon Point development. There a 20 stage development of more than 1200 dwellings threatens to destroy an area of Indigenous and European heritage, as well as coastal floodplains which house endangered species and rare migratory birds.

With that development being a key catalyst to the Greens’ Cunningham win, Local Greens Convenor Ian Miles is confident the Greens candidate for Keira, local resident Michael Sergent can win the seat.

“All major elements of the ALP have failed to represent the people of the area,” Miles said. “State government is where a lot of damage is being done to this area through overdevelopment, because Carr supports development.”

The Greens not only expect a similar vote to that which occurred in the Cunningham byelection, but they believe there is the opportunity to grab much more of the vote.

“We expect to get somewhere between 25 and 30 percent of the primary vote. We are a good chance of winning. It’s a very real chance,” he said.

David Campbell is beginning to feel the pinch, and while denying any fear of a Green win, several aggressive statements regarding “populist independents” and allegations that HCAG is being controlled by the Greens for political purposes show a level of tension in the electorate of Keira which could produce another Cunningham-style upset.

Carmen’s fans

Hi. I’m pleased to announce that Carmen Lawrence will write a fortnightly column for Webdiary next year.

She’ll join John Wojdylo and Harry Heidelberg as regular columnists. Each will be linked from the right-hand column of Webdiary, and their columns will be archived. I’ll let you know on the main Webdiary page when I publish a column.

After her resignation, I asked Carmen for a piece on public reaction.

***

What’s really going on

by Carmen Lawrence

My resignation from the frontbench of the Federal Labor Party a couple of weeks ago released a wave of pent up anger and anguish from many Labor members and supporters. Paradoxically, perhaps, many of them also found renewed hope that the ALP could again represent their vision of Australia, “that our once great Labor Party can see its way clear to return to its grassroots and.move forward to create a country that extends a hand to the oppressed people of this world”; that it represented “a chance for Labor to be a real Opposition.”

A common sentiment was that it gave people heart. As a 72-year-old woman from Launceston told me, that as a life-long Labor voter, she had “never been so disillusioned as at these times and at the time of the last election. Your actions and words have given me new hope.”

This response, one of approximately 6000 faxes, e-mails, phone calls and letters, is typical:

“You are saying exactly what many ordinary members of the party have been saying for a long time now. It is absolutely clear that the party has got itself into the car salesman mode. You no doubt know what I mean, it’s about closing the deal ‘What do I have to say to get you to vote for me?'”

Another long-time Labor supporter complained that our “policies are too close to Howard’s and (we are) falling into the trap that Howard has set – ie Howard dictates the agenda and issues. This way Labor will be seen to play catch up and has no policies and direction of its own.”

Norm from Dapto put it even more bluntly:

“Labor’s agreeing with Howard on so many things is a disaster. Apart from the human values involved, no opposition worth its salt should be agreeing so much. They are trying to play on Howard’s pitch by his rules and he has the game sewn up.”

Others included papers and detailed analyses of the current state of the Party and how it has influenced the development of the refugee policy. For example, a former natural resource manager and planner wrote:

“I learnt early that there were three basic steps in planning – philosophy, principle, practice. Labor has fallen into the common trap of deciding out of logical order a practice it proposed to implement to achieve its goal before developing a ‘policy’ inevitably devoid of philosophy and principle. In following this course it has developed a strategy, not a policy. A recognised planner/author called this process ‘solutioneering’.”

Many argued strongly that the Labor Party needed to be clearer about its values and to stick to them, instead of compromising every time.

As one long term member of the ALP put it:

“The Labor Party, in fact any political party, does have a responsibility far beyond reflecting populist sentiment. Political activism is about building, and implementing a vision. In the past, the party has had a resilient and open approach that enabled political vision to be built on the input of people concerned over equality, redistribution of resources, open debate and open decision making processes. Now, it appears, the first goal is to attain power, and political goals are built according to how they facilitate the achievement of that goal. This necessarily limits debate and visioning to those directly involved in strategy, excluding the majority from the thinking process, and necessarily alienating them from the final positions established, and alienating the political leaders from the passions and concerns of the people in the party.”

Others urged the Party to speak clearly for the oppressed and “those without a voice” – including the refugees who ask for our help. A good number urged me – and others with similar views – not to stop talking because they are “afraid for the country we have become”.

Some drew attention to the deficiencies in the modern political system and the reasons why many people felt so disenfranchised; that politicians generally are driven by “a concern for vote buying by deception rather than defining and advancing workable social programs”.

Many responded to what they regarded as the policy failures over the treatment of asylum seekers, others to the broader issues of the current state and direction of the ALP. A lot agonised over the damage that the Howard Government is inflecting on our society and on our place in the world. The extract below it typical.

“I’m just writing you to let you know that you speak for many, many people, who have until now felt totally disenfranchised. Like me, many of my friends and relatives would never vote for the Right, but have been loathe to support the Labor Party while it maintains a refugee policy which seems to be based on 19th-century xenophobia and 21st-century poll-ophobia.”

Despite the claims that these sentiments are confined to the inner city areas of Sydney and Melbourne, messages of encouragement came from all around the country from the cities and the bush, from men and women, from young and old. Some of those who wrote were professionals accustomed to expressing their views; others clearly struggled to express accurately why they were so worried, often with stunning effect.

Union officials and ALP Branch and Electorate Council officers joined former Labor Ministers, their families and staffers in calling for a change of direction. The moderate and conciliatory tones of ministers, priests and nuns who wrote in support of more compassionate and humane policies arrived simultaneously with seditious e-mails from students burning up virtual space with their indignation that we could even begin to contemplate engaging in a bloodbath in Iraq.

Included in list of those who made contact were former immigration department and ACM employees and a number of professionals who had worked at Woomera and Curtin. One said he saw detainees in Woomera “harassed and abused and their personalities crushed”. He had personally observed many cases of mistreatment, self-harm and suicide and reminded me that witnessing such abuse can also cause psychological damage to many of those who have worked in these dehumanising places.

A gentleman from Cooma expressed the view that:

“The way we are currently treating asylum seekers is a disgrace, as attested to in the human rights report released today and in previous UN criticism. We are destroying our image in the world as ‘fair minded’. We are also creating future potential enemies.”

On the same issue, a former Labor staffer observed that “what I don’t think has been understood by the ALP is how it has let down, not only its rank and file members, but other Australians”. She said she had been struck by “the feeling of uneasiness and despair in the wider Australian community” and the fact that many people “felt dispossessed, or outraged” since the Tampa incident.

In longhand, a man from Tamworth wrote that:

“I was a dyed in the wool believer that they were ‘queue jumpers’, but all can’t be, because as I thought it through, if our town was suddenly attacked, burnt, ravaged etc like some of those place, I would panic and try to get my family to safety or anywhere out of the line of fire.”

Some lamented the “lost opportunities” which came with the community euphoria and good will generated by the Olympic Games and the Reconciliation marches. As one put it, “opportunities lost because of a Prime Minister who not only has no capacity for imagination but is actively destructive of our ‘common wealth”.

“His only interest is the maintenance of his own power. He has no understanding of our history.”

Two women friends from a block of flats in Clifton Hill in Victoria wrote jointly to say:

“Recent years have displayed the most profoundly inhuman, selfish, stupid and utterly destructive policies in living memory, whether it be concerning asylum seekers, public education, public health and housing, Aboriginal affairs or the horrifying warmongering over Iraq. We believe Australia stands at the most critically dangerous point in its history.”

Some wept for the damage being done to our society. A ‘first generation immigrant’ told me that she was “very disturbed at what is happening to our Muslim citizens – I am not a Muslim, but because of my brown skin, I know what it is like to be labelled as ‘other’.” In her impassioned pleas for the adopted country she loves, she expressed fear that Australia “is being led by unenlightened men down a very dark road which seems to be only creating greater factionalism and discord”.

Opposition to a possible attack on Iraq was frequently mentioned, stirring people to passionate objection. A couple from Evans Head in NSW argued that “such a war would be as futile and ineffectual as the Vietnam war and would cause even greater numbers of innocent civilian casualties”. Many were alarmed that Labor had not distanced itself sufficiently from a possible U.S. pre-emptive strike and many wrote disparagingly of the “Deputy Sheriff” approach of the Howard government.

While some sections of the media took the opportunity to give me a wallop over my resignation, only a handful of their fellow citizens communicated similarly hostile reactions to me. Most of those who made contact were more interested in solving our nation’s problems and looking hopefully for signs that their political representatives understood the perilous state of politics in this country.

As one correspondent begged us to understand:

“Australia is in a unique position to capitalise on its many strengths, but don’t let its myopia and insecurity stop it from unleashing its potential as a truly great, compassionate, peace-loving nation.”

To which I can only say, “hear, hear.”

Howard’s strip-search for patriots

By popular demand, here is the text of Bob Brown’s speech to the Senate on the ASIO bill last Friday, the one Alan Ramsey quoted from in his Saturday column. I also publish the speech of former Labor defence minister Robert Ray, in my view the best orator in the Parliament, who heard the evidence on the ASIO bill as a member of the Parliamentary ASIO committee.

Back in May, in Take ’em on Beazley (webdiaryMay2), I wrote about Howard’s first, horrendous AISO bill in a story on the Sydney hearings of the ASIO committee. I began:

“I hope Labor has the courage to tell the government to get stuffed on its utterly sinister laws and to nut out an effective, decent solution with other Australians of goodwill.”

As it turned out, the entire committee – ALP, Liberal and National Party – was appalled by Howard’s blueprint. For the committee report, see ASIO: Right beats might again! (webdiaryJune5).

Many still are, but the Howard-led new political correctness crushes them as much as anyone else. Is the ALP’s defiance the last gasp of resistance to the dark new Australia fashioned by Howard, or the beginning of the end of his cultural and political hegemony?

***

Senator Bob Brown

When the leader of the Government in the Senate, Senator Hill, said that the Labor Party’s amendments – and by imputation the crossbench support for the amendments – would damn the safety of Australians, he reached a new low in the debate.

What it uncovered coming from the Prime Ministers office was the new political correctness which says, ‘If you do not agree with the Prime Minister of this country, you are in some way on the side of those who are anti-Australian or who would create terror in this country’.

That is no way to facilitate a debate in a great parliament like this. There is no doubt that this is a very complex and difficult piece of legislation, which demands resolution today. Therefore, it demands that both sides listen to each other and seek the best outcome in this debate that is possible.

We have had the leader saying that he has been horrified by the de facto government that the Labor Party presents itself to be. In fact, what he has been saying is that this parliament does not have a role as a check on the government, or in improving legislation coming from the executive of Prime Minister Howard.

There is this idea that anything the Prime Minister puts forward, in these increasingly tense and dangerous days, cannot be countermanded even by the elected parliament of Australia. The Prime Minister stands aside and above that in his mind. That is a very dangerous mistake in thinking.

This is a collectively represented parliament elected by the people of this country. The office of Prime Minister was elected by his party, not by the people of this country, and it is the parliament which is supreme.

When legislation is brought into the parliament by the executive – by a minister – and the parliament determines that there should be amendments to it, the government should listen. If the point of view of the government and the Prime Minister is that they will not brook improvement through the workings of the Senate and the parliament, it is democracy itself which is being questioned.

The Greens have said that we oppose this draconian legislation. We and the Democrats have nevertheless supported the amendments that the Labor Party has put forward and supported the passage of the legislation so that it can go back to the House of Representatives for consideration.

That is proper process. The Labor Party say they have come up with a tough, compulsory, coercive questioning regime for ASIO to deal with terrorism. Whatever else the government might say, that regime gives ASIO unprecedented powers to take people off the streets and question them in the first instance without a legal representative and without other people knowing where they are, effectively in secret and with their usual rights taken away.

These are not people suspected of terrorism, knowledge of terrorism or potential involvement in terrorism; these are innocents who ASIO suspects may have some information. This is indeed, as Senator Faulkner (ALP Senate leader) has said, a tough, compulsory, coercive questioning regime.

The government say that this legislation is needed; nevertheless, because the Prime Minister wants to appear to be above the parliament in these dangerous days, the government and the Prime Minister will reject it.

They would leave ASIO with nothing rather than accept the Labor ‘moderate’ proposition, as I heard the leader describe. Be that on Prime Minister Howard’s head if the result of this is nothing. It is incumbent on the Prime Minister, if he believes that greater powers must be given to the surveillance agency ASIO – to accept what the negotiations between the Labor Party and the government have produced.

I am talking about bringing this out from the Prime Minister’s realm of ownership of democracy in this country and having him accept that this parliament is working in the national interest.

How dare he or his ministers say that the workings of this chamber would damn the safety of Australians! How dare he or his ministers say that about representatives in this place! That is the new political correctness: trying to silence critics and constructive debate. The Prime Minister is now in the dock for that.

I have watched in this chamber for 18 months as the Labor Party has sided with the government on the Tampa incident, on legislation to bring in the Army against peaceful protesters before the Olympics, and on a series of laws which have eaten into traditional civil liberties and political rights in this country. But we are seeing something different here today. The Labor Party has said: We are going to stand for something different. We recognise that there is a difficult decision to make between our political rights and our democracy on the one hand and the threat of terrorism on the other.

The Prime Minister and the government feel that they cannot accept this situation where, for once, the opposition is acting as an opposition. They will not accept it. Well, they are going to have to accept that this is a democracy where the parliament ultimately makes the decision.

If the Prime Minister walks away from that, be it on his head. It is his responsibility if, where he believes there must be strong laws, he opts instead for no laws. That is the Prime Minister’s responsibility, and he has to recognise that.

If this legislation fails today – I am talking about the democratic process here – there will be a void of new legislation for months to come. The Prime Minister will be out there, today and tomorrow, saying it is the fault of the Labor Party, the Democrats and the Greens.

But he cannot maintain that. It will be on the Prime Ministers shoulders; and the test is on here. Does he want the stronger laws which the Labor party are now offering to him for ASIO to handle this situation – which, by the way, is a situation much closer to that which the Greens maintain is the better outcome – or will he opt for none at all?

My submission is that the Prime Minister has had a little too long being dictatorial from the executive, because the Labor Party have let him.

Today, they have become an opposition again. The Prime Minister and the government have to understand that. From where I sit, if there is a zero outcome here today, it is not on Mr Crean’s head. It is not on the opposition’s head.

It is because of an intransigent Prime Minister who has lost sight of the democratic process.

***

Senator Robert Ray

Senator Ian Campbell (Lib, Western Australia) read into the record what are basically the views of the Attorney-General’s office in regard to these matters. He did not actually address the specific clauses or issues under discussion here. He talked in generalities, as did Senator Hill. Rather than getting an analysis of where the differences lie and where the solutions may lie, we simply got polemics.

… You would have to be silly to say that the bill in its current form, whether it is adopted or rejected, has not changed since the original bill. My point was that the government argued for that original bill, with all its faults, with the same passion that they have argued with tonight – except that, on the way through, they have dumped 10 or 12 of those principles with no passion at all.

Those principles do not exist any more. There is no guilt for coming up with such cryptofacist nonsense as appeared in the first bill. That is just a blank in history. That is just thrown overboard.

What of your proposal to strip-search 10-year-old girls? Oh, that doesn’t exist anymore. Well move the argument on. The same passion with which they defend some of the more extreme measures in this bill will equally be dropped off at some stage in the future. The fact is that this government has shown that what is an immutable principle one moment can be jettisoned the next.

It is true to say that commitment to civil liberties is not the preserve of any one person or any side in this chamber; it is shared across the chamber. There is no question about that. There might be differences of opinion as to how civil liberties apply and when they should be suspended in specific circumstances, but there is a commitment to civil liberties generally across this chamber. That has to be conceded.

But the Liberal Party will never concede that there is also a shared view of patriotism across this chamber.

The Liberal Party seek to position themselves as the only patriots in this chamber. It is a despicable attitude that belittles anyone else in this chamber who is critical or who does not agree with them, as being unpatriotic, as putting the country at risk, as being soft on terrorism.

These are the sorts of words of war used by Liberals in trying to establish their way on this particular legislation. It is a despicable tactic. I reject it; I know all my colleagues reject it, and I get infuriated when I hear, time and time again, these people opposite assuming for themselves a patriotism that no-one else can share. It is simply not the fact.

The fact is that I do not believe we have got to the specifics. One indication is Senator Ian Campbell’s statement from earlier. He says the ALP has rejected security-cleared lawyers. Why don’t you actually read the bill? In certain circumstances, we approve of the use of security-cleared lawyers. In an urgent situation, which would prevent a person from using their own lawyer of choice, or if their own lawyer of choice is rejected by ASIO, then the security-cleared lawyers come in. So the statement Senator Campbell made tonight is simply not true.

We would prefer a regime where you could have a lawyer of your own choice, but we put two provisos on that. Firstly, if that person is a security risk, they cannot have them. Secondly, we put in a very tight provision to say that, if a lawyer representing one of these people who is detained for a questioning regime in fact discloses that, there are very heavy secrecy penalties that apply. That covers that off. It covers off the original objection of trying to isolate these people so that the message does not get back to any terrorist groups, or any people that might have knowledge of such, that they are under suspicion.

Senator Campbell says – and so does Senator Hill – that, by not agreeing with the government, in some way we strange individuals, we isolates on this side, are putting the community at risk. This is a massive criticism of President George W. Bush, Prime Minister Chretien, Prime Minister Clark and Prime Minister Blair. Guess what? I have named the four like-minded countries with which we share a very common democratic heritage and a security relationship in the intelligence field that goes back to the end of the Second World War. The club has been in existence and has operated profitably to all our advantage for the past 57 years.

Not one of these other four countries has adopted a regime identical to this. There are some similarities, yes. But with regard to the more extreme parts of the bill in terms of being able to detain people – if it went through in its original, unmodified form according to the government’s wish – none of these other four countries have adopted legislation so draconian.

Are we missing something here? Has Mr Blair suddenly gone soft on terrorism? Has President Bush gone soft on terrorism? Has Prime Minister Chretien in Canada suddenly gone soft on terrorism? I think not. They look for alternative ways of dealing with it. President Bush has brought in legislation that deals with aliens, those who are not US citizens. Even that is not as tough as parts of this particular regime.

So we have a situation where we are accused of being unpatriotic, of being soft on terrorism, of not backing up the government in times of crisis, but where none of these four other comparable countries has gone as far as this particular government has.

You have to ask yourself why. The answer to why they have not is that each of these countries has sought a balance between combating terrorism and maintaining a fundamental dedication to civil liberties in their own country – something that those opposite seem willing to sacrifice at the drop of a hat.

The government claims that it has moved on two issues. Exactly six hours ago these two issues, again, were immutable principles. We were told that the sunset clause was absolutely abhorrent to this type of legislation. Now, at 9 oclock, Senator Campbell comes and tells us, ‘Yes, well, we didn’t really mean that. You can have a sunset clause.’ Oh, really? What has changed in that six hours?

But even more amazing is the government’s change of attitude in one of the silliest arguments we have ever had, and that is, over who constitutes a prescribed authority. I do not think it is any secret that we indicated that, if we thought for a moment that the notion of a prescribed authority was in danger constitutionally of voiding the bill, we would jettison it. We said that, and people in this chamber know that we have said it. Yet in fact this is where the government have moved in our direction and said, ‘Well, after all, maybe the Labor Party proposition is not so bad.’

They have read our legal opinion from Gavin Griffith QC and they know others exist. They argued then that they had a counter-opinion from Mr Orr QC. Where is it? We are still waiting. By all means let us have a letter from the Attorney-General purporting to say what Mr Orr said, but where is the legal opinion so we can clear this up once and for all?

Senator Ian Campbell: You don’t need to now.

Senator Ray: Oh, we don’t need to know! Then in that case you can come in here, Senator Campbell, and table that before we finish this debate,if it exists. Does it exist? Does Mr Orr’s opinion exist as a legal opinion signed off by him? I would like to see it because so far we have seen absolutely nothing. Of what was true six hours ago for the government – of what was an entrenched principle, like some of these other matters that they say are entrenched principles – they now say: ‘Oh, no, it didn’t really matter. We can certainly cede ground on those particular points.’

Then they come in and say, ‘The Labor Party are totally divided on this issue.’ I have attended all the caucus committees and meetings and most of the discussions on this and I have not in fact found much or any dissent on these particular issues.

We do know that every time there is a parliamentary committee inquiry into these things some government members on some issues have taken a different position to the government. If you are talking about disunity and those sorts of things, look to your own ranks – not that, of course, anyone on your side participated in the debate in the committee stage (the phase in Senate debate of a bill where the amendments are debated one by one).

… On offer here today are two possibilities apparently: the government adopting the modified bill – something they have rejected – or no bill at all. Why don’t they go back and ask ASIO what they want? Go back and consult with ASIO to see whether the bill as amended would give them sufficient powers to carry things out. The reason they will not is that politics will always prevail here.

The Prime Minister has just given a press conference in which he said that any terrorist incident from now on will be on the heads of the Labor Party because we have not passed their legislation.

We have never ever tried to say that any acts of terrorism that have occurred or that are likely to occur in Australia are the responsibility of Australian governments. We know it is a far more sophisticated argument than that. We know how difficult it is to track down intelligence on terrorist matters. We know that the government are reconfiguring the apparatus of the intelligence community to concentrate in these areas. We support them in that. We support them in their endeavours to expand both Sigint and its human resources so that they can attempt to detect future terrorist acts.

For the record, there are no guarantees that you can anticipate and abort any future terrorist activity either in this country or in the region. There are no guarantees because for every action there is a reaction; every terrorist group that understands what array of powers will be put against them will adopt policies so they cannot be detected and thwarted.

We must understand that. We cannot have an expectation that a government can necessarily prevent a future terrorist act. That is not possible. If the government are going to say of any terrorist act, Oh, well, that’s the Labor Party’s fault because they did not give us this piece of legislation, what errant nonsense that is.

It is political positioning at its absolute worst. It is putting the national interest behind political interest, and that does not advance the cause of this nation’s fight against terrorism one iota.

It is not as though we are suggesting to those on the other side that the culmination of this is that the bill as now amended is some inept pathetic piece of legislation. It is still stronger than any legislation carried in a comparable country. Have a look at the UK security legislation, with their history of the IRA, and compare that with the Labor Party amended legislation and you will find this is tougher.

There were big asks here. It is not easy to come into the parliament and say, after 101 years of federation, ‘We want you to give up the right of silence, especially when you are not a suspect’ – because, let us face it, most of this legislation will be directed against nonsuspects rather than suspects. There is a whole range of legislation that can be brought in to deal with potential suspects and terrorists. This legislation will concentrate mostly on nonsuspects who have relevant information which, if they are forced to divulge it, will protect Australian lives.

You can go to the legislation of Canada, New Zealand, the UK and the US and you will not find a more stringent set of requirement than those that appear in this legislation. The reasons why the government will not come to accommodate our position on this are purely political, purely exploitative and purely a matter of positioning.

There is no question that up until about 10 days ago negotiations were under way. Then the old orders come out of YAG central around the corner – the Prime Minister’s office – and what do we get? The end of negotiations; the positioning; the backgrounding of The Age newspaper for that article that says, ‘This is nitpicking. We will go no further’.

In fact, we have come to the party and we have offered reasonable, well argued and well thought through amendments. For political reasons, this government has decided to reject those and has decided to create an atmosphere such that if anything goes wrong, at any time, in the intelligence community or with terrorism, it will be the Labor Party’s fault. What a despicable attitude!

War of words

Here are the speeches of John Howard and Kim Beazley last Friday, when the government refused to pass the amended ASIO bill and promised to resubmit its bottom line bill to the Senate in three months. Who will back down?

I’ve highlighted the sentences and phrases I reckon you’ll hear lots more of. Simon Crean’s speech is in Fighting for our trustwebdiaryDec13.

***

Mr John Howard

The purpose of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Legislation Amendment (Terrorism) Bill 2002 is to enable ASIO to question people in emergency terrorist situations in order to obtain the information we need to stop terrorist attacks before people are hurt or killed.

In the new environment in which we sadly find ourselves, preventing attacks by gathering information before the attacks occur has acquired a premium it never previously had. We have a new situation that requires a new solution. The reason that we are laying aside the bill that came from the Senate – we are not laying aside the government’s bill – is that it is in a completely unacceptable form.

Labor’s amendments will wreck the bill and render it inoperable. From the very beginning, Labor have not been serious about serious and necessary amendments to the ASIO legislation (sic). That is why they sent it off to a committee and gave that committee an unreasonably late reporting time, which has meant that consideration of this bill has been jammed up against the rising of the House and the parliament for the Christmas period.

I invite the House to listen very carefully to this: Further evidence that the Labor Party are not fair dinkum about this legislation is that the protocols that are proposed – in other words, the guidelines that will govern the operation of the questioning process – must, according to Labor’s amendments, be made subject to parliamentary disallowance.

Even if I had agreed with what the Leader of the Opposition had said and we had passed their bill, when we came along with the protocols, the Labor Party, the Democrats and the Greens would have disallowed them in the Senate. Talk about double jeopardy! That is a great example of their hypocrisy.

The Labor Party realise that they are going to be judged as soft on this issue by the Australian public. That is why we have seen the Leader of the Opposition come into this parliament with a whole lot of confected outrage. He knows that his amendments will destroy the bill. He knows that, if you adopt the procedures that they propose, this bill will be rendered inoperable.

We have no intention of parading a pretence, a fabrication, a fraud, to the Australian public. We have no intention of going out to the Australian public and saying, ‘We have passed a bill which will guarantee that ASIO has the necessary additional powers’, when we know in our hearts that that would be a monstrous lie to the Australian people. That is why we are not prepared to do it.

The Leader of the Opposition comes in here pleading with me to rescue him from the political dilemma he now finds himself in. That is basically what the Leader of the Opposition has tried to do. People on the other side – not least his predecessor – know the need for this new legislation. Many of them know, as indeed we know on this side of the House, that if we accept the amendments that have been put forward, the questioning process from a practical point of view will be rendered inoperable. (Margo: Note he gives no proof of this and provides no examples.)

If we were to agree to the bill in the form agreed by the Senate and as sought from us today by the opposition, that does not mean that that bill would come into effect, because you still have to get Senate acceptance of the protocols that govern the question.

There is no guarantee that, having agreed to the legislation today, the Labor Party would not then turn around and disallow the protocols in the Senate. They want the opportunity to have another go.

The Leader of the Opposition comes in here, pleading with me to accept a flawed measure – a measure that from a practical point of view will not give the additional power to ASIO that is necessary in the new circumstances in which we find ourselves – but just for good measure he has in his back pocket the capacity through the Senate to disallow the guidelines under which the questioning will take place. (Margo: Again, Mr Howard gives no practical examples of why the Senate’s bill is impractical.)

Mr Crean – That’s not right.

Mr Howard: It is right, Mr Speaker, and he knows it is right…

He is not only asking us to accept a bill that from a practical point of view is unworkable; having got what he has asked for today, he is also asking us to accept a capacity to change his mind yet again and demand even more, under the threat of disallowing the passage of the protocols. He is asking for a situation where, having passed the bill he has sought, the protocols that will govern the questioning – which go into details such as meal arrangements, sleeping arrangements and all those sorts of things, which are not normally part of legislation but which are contained in police guidelines or police rules – can be disallowed.

What we have today is another illustration of the Labor Party being unwilling to see the real national interest. The real national interest of Australia at the moment demands a stronger stand against terrorism.

Opposition members interjecting

Mr Howard: We have proposed a bill which is going to provide that sort of stand.

Mr Zahra interjecting

Mr Howard: We have witnessed from the Australian Labor Party –

The Speaker: The member for McMillan is warned.

Mr Howard: From the very moment this bill was introduced the Labor Party have set out to obstruct and delay. They sent it off to a committee with an unreasonably long reporting time. They knew that Christmas was approaching and that at the onset of the Christmas season we would inevitably reach this stage – and we have reached that stage.

I say to the Australian public that what we have proposed is necessary for their protection. It is a reasonable and proper response to the new situation in which we now find ourselves.

The Leader of the Opposition seeks to draw distinctions between this legislation and the situation in New South Wales. I remind the House that it is perfectly okay in New South Wales to strip search children between the ages of 10 and 18 without a warrant, where there is a threat of terrorist action, on the whim not of a judge, not of an Attorney-General but of Michael Costa. That is fundamentally what has been proposed. In those circumstances, there is no warrant, there is no judicial oversight -just the authorisation of the New South Wales police minister. But did we get a peep out of the Labor Party on that? Did we have the confected outrage and civil liberties concerns of the member for Banks and others on that legislation? Oh, no; that is perfectly all right because that is New South Wales Labor.

We do not accept the Senate’s amendments because, from a practical point of view, they will destroy the bill. (Margo: Yet again, Howard does not deign to explain to the Australian people why.) Therefore, we would be perpetrating a fraud on the Australian public if we went out and paraded this bill as an acceptable bill. Labor are weak on this issue.

Opposition members interjecting

Labor are very weak on this issue, just as they were weak on border protection. They remain weak on border protection. They are weak on this issue, and the more the crescendo in the Leader of the Opposition’s voice rises, the more we realise how sensitive they are. The redder his face got and the more personal he became, the more I knew that what I had said is right. He is weak on this issue, he does not have the courage to tell his party what is in Australia’s interests. He said somebody once said in the Labor Party, ‘Who’s party is it?’ That is not the relevant question. It is not a question of party interests; it is a question of Australia’s interests. And Australia’s interests require that we need a strong bill –

Opposition members interjecting

The Speaker: I warn the member for Corio.

Mr Howard: What the Senate have done to this bill is nothing short of security vandalism. They have vandalised this bill, they have made it unworkable, they have failed the national interest, and that is why we will not accept a bill that does not give the people of Australia the protection they need.

Opposition members interjecting

The Speaker: There is a number of people on the floor of the chamber who have been warned and who will be dealt with shortly. The courtesy extended to the Leader of the Opposition by the Prime Minister will be extended to the Prime Minister by the Leader of the Opposition, and the restraint exercised by the Prime Minister will be exercised by the Leader of the Opposition.

***

Mr Kim Beazley

We have just heard the Prime Minister in full kids overboard mode –

Mr Cameron Thompson (Liberal member for Blair) interjecting

The Speaker: The member for Blair will excuse himself from the House under the provisions of standing order 304A. (The member for Blair then left the chamber.)

Mr Beazley: I find it quite extraordinary. Prime Minister, I think you were in the chamber when I last spoke here five hours ago. If you were in the chamber, you would have heard me say this with absolute clarity: in the course of the discussions that Senator Faulkner, Senator Ray, Mr Melham and I had with Mr Williams, your Attorney-General, prior to that phase of the debate of this issue in the House, we offered to abandon the position that we had taken on the issue of a disallowable instrument in the Senate and to move instead to a regime which meant it was not vulnerable to the Senate but had some other form of process whereby there was consultation but the decision was in the hands of the government.

That is what we proposed. We proposed it to the Attorney-General and then I reiterated it in public, here in this chamber, five hours ago.

There was no approach, even though there has been constant tick-tacking between both sides of the House on this matter, because we both accept that this is a critical issue to Australian security. No call came from the Attorney-General’s office to Senator Faulkner to test that proposition. It was a proposition that we had already issued, but we reiterated it because we considered that the government had shown us good faith in their gesture on the issue of the sunset clause and by accepting our propositions in relation to the authority associated with the bill.

We responded with good faith, but there was no call to Senator Faulkner. After checking repeatedly with Senator Faulkner over the subsequent hours, I assumed that in that period of time the call would be made and that, if it was not, it would mean that the government considered that what the Prime Minister based almost the entirety of his speech upon was not a matter of relevance, that as far as they were concerned that issue was not central and that the other concerns they had – such as a so-called interrogation regime – as opposed to a detention regime – were the critical issues, not the issue of Senate disallowance.

Prime Minister, we would have abandoned Senate disallowance, just like that. On this the Prime Minister rests his case against the Labor Party. It is unbelievable.

This is the second time in two weeks that the Prime Minister has knowingly or unknowingly trashed the national interest in relation to –

Honourable members interjecting

Mr Beazley: I know he may not know. I am prepared to extend a slight benefit of doubt on his performance last week in trashing the relationships that we have with those with whom we must build an anti-terrorist coalition. I am prepared to believe the Prime Minister may not have known what he was doing.

He subsequently came to know it, and did not correct it, even though he had his foreign minister out there paddling like a duck on the water, desperately trying to make up for the Prime Minister’s mistake. I suspect he thought he was positioning the Labor Party domestically, the way he tried to use this bungle by the government to position us domestically.

I suspect he was doing that. But I will also give him due credit: He probably did not know what he was doing when he did it. It is inadequate for a Prime Minister of a nation under security threat. Nevertheless, it is a culpability of omission rather than commission.

Frankly, Prime Minister, in this case, it is a culpability of commission. Was that your central problem with the Labor Party’s amendments? We offered, both in private conversation and here publicly in the chamber – and every member here heard it, and I see the Independent member nodding his head – to abandon that position five hours ago.

I am sorry, Prime Minister, but I listened for the tonality of your remarks. They were not the remarks and the tone of a man defending the national interest; they were the remarks and the tone of a man who saw a political opportunity.

There are people on both sides of the House with a deep sense of patriotism and a deep fear of the situation in which we find ourselves. I have had the privilege, since I have become a backbencher, of sitting with some of your backbenchers. I have come to admire their patriotism. I have come to admire the way they try to take a dispassionate look at the issues that are placed before them.

I admire their courage, because I know that you run a rougher race in the Liberal Party than most other Liberal leaders. I admire their courage on that front. I do not challenge their patriotism, and they do not usually agree with me on things. But I sit down with them on the basis that I assume that what they are worried about is the lives of their children, my children and everybody elses

children in this country. I assume that that is what they are like. Therefore, when we sit down and negotiate with them and discuss things with them, I am fully confident that we bargain and discuss things in good faith.

The original bill that is being laid aside here could have, firstly, included the removal of your central objection and, secondly, put in place a regime permitting ASIO to question a person suspected of having knowledge of an imminent terrorist attack or some other matter related to terrorist activities for a period of 20 hours – which in effect means two to three days. And if that person tried either silence or dissimulation, that person would be jailed.

Remember, your version of the bill also permitted legal representation for the persons so caught up. Ours was slightly different. We took the protective strength of those undertaking legal representation of a person so interrogated a point further. Because of the particular character of the legal representation, we were prepared to propose – and we did in the amendments that you have rejected from the Senate – that a further regime of secrecy be imposed on both people who have been picked up and anyone who represents them legally. Failure to conform with that regime of secrecy would render them liable to a jail term. That is actually tougher than anything that was in the original bill.

But I am not here to do comparisons of toughness; I am here to establish that we stood for the national interest. We bargained in good faith and, when you came back to us in good faith, we responded in good faith.

We regarded your approach on being prepared to drop the position you had adopted towards the appointment of judges and your proposal to pick up the idea of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on ASIO, ASIS and DSD on a sunset clause as being in good faith, and therefore we responded in good faith. But no approach was made to us, Prime Minister.

I know at least as well as the Prime Minister the level of threat to the Australian community that is out there. As I listen to the briefings I get from intelligence officers, I have before me constantly – as no doubt you do yourself, Prime Minister – the faces of ordinary Australians going about their daily business, be they in government offices, in private offices, at sporting venues, in nightclubs or wherever.

I love them and I want them protected. I assume you do too, Prime Minister. So I do not play games. None of us on this side of the House plays games when we are presented with serious propositions to defend the national interest. We do not play games with those.

We all bring to the table our own views on what we see as the essential civil liberties of the Australian people, and so do you. Your fellow Liberals on those various committees who made propositions about eliminating children from the regime and trying to get in place decent legal representation were obviously informed by their concerns for civil liberties.

The organising principle of the parliamentary Liberal Party is the defence of individual freedom. That is not necessarily a central feature of a social democratic creed, but it is of the Australian Liberal Party. I therefore expect to see when I deal with members of the Liberal Party – and I do see it when I sit on committees with them – respect accorded to that fundamental tenet of liberal ideology, and I respect them.

They have their views – and they showed their hands on those views on those committees – and we have our views on civil liberties as well. We are trying to marry the particular views in the propositions we put forward and introduce a regime that will permit those views to be protected, but at the same time hand to the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation authority that the FBI in the United States could only dream of.

The United States Constitution would not permit this legislation, either in your form or ours. This is a serious extension of powers to the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation. Had your bill or our bill got through, it would have seen a substantial extension of the capacity to do the job.

What do I find here as I listen to the Prime Minister marshal his forces and his argument against my successor? He has as the central point of his criticism of the Labor Party position what seven hours ago we indicated to the Attorney-General we were prepared to give up and what five hours ago I indicated to this parliament that we were prepared to give up.

Mr Melham:It was raised in earlier discussions, too.

Mr Beazley: And Senator Hill (defence minister) was there, too. We made the offer and they did not tell the Prime Minister. They did not wake him up. I mean, really, Prime Minister. I suppose there are not terribly many people listening to this debate but, by golly, if there are people out there in Australia listening to this debate, you can be absolutely certain that we will make sure that the full Hansard is available to anyone who asks for it.

They will see a massive prime ministerial error in the negotiations. It is a massive prime ministerial error, given the prominence he assigned it. When the telephone call failed to come, we assumed that the negotiating parties thought it was irrelevant. We said: ‘That’s a shame. We thought that was a good response to their good gesture, but they’re not interested.’

Prime Minister, all it would have taken was a phone call from you if that was your central problem. We would have needed your draftspeople, of course, because you have better draftspeople. We could have got the authority of the Commonwealth behind it and provided that for you completely, and we would now have a bill before the Australian people which would have protected us instead of an opportunity for political exploitation.

Message from Vaclav Havel

‘The most savage acts of all have often been committed in fights against savages in the name of a ‘one and only’ truth.” Vaclav Havel.

Vaclav Havel, the Czech Republic’s poet president, rules a country whose citizens endured the tyranny of two totalitarian regimes last century – the Nazis and the Communists – and recently joined the European Union. Czech refugee, librarian and Webdiarist Jozef Imrich reckons Havel has wise words for us all as we near the end of a tragic, frightening year, and sent in this speech Havel delivered last month on NATO and world security.

***

Opening speech by Vaclav Havel, President of the Czech Republic, at the conference “The Transformation of NATO”

Prague, Sovovy mlyny, 20 November 2002

I shall open your deliberations with five remarks that bear a relation, direct or indirect, to the agenda of this year’s NATO Summit meeting in Prague.

Remark one: Thirteen years after the collapse of the Iron Curtain, during a time of horrible terrorist attacks on civilian populations, it must have become clear to everyone that currently the principal adversary of the values espoused by the Alliance is not a State power or a great power that could somehow be located in one way or another.

The enemy is now represented by an evil that is widely diffused and very dangerous indeed – an evil that we find very difficult to grasp, or even to fathom. Therefore, we all must know by now that if the Alliance is to continue to fulfill its original mission in today’s world it should transform itself much more distinctly and much more swiftly. That means that it should transform itself into an instrument that will be capable of effectively confronting an entirely new set of threats.

It can no longer be merely a large, but somewhat empty, structure possessing many commanders without troops, and numerous committees and commissions without any substantial influence, that the member States are merely prepared to fill with allocated parts of their military forces if the need arises.

If the Alliance is to be meaningful today it must be an organization equipped with a large quantity of information processed promptly and professionally; an organization capable of taking split-second decisions and, wherever this becomes necessary, of immediately engaging either its permanent rapid deployment forces, perfectly trained and constantly ready, or specialized forces of various armies that will be capable of confronting modern dangers such as terrorism and nuclear, chemical or bacteriological weapons.

Although some may object, at least a part of these units should not be purely military but should also have substantial police functions.

What would impede such a transformation, or slow it down? To my mind, nothing but inertia, bureaucracy, habitudes that have built up for years and have implanted in their bearers a fear of anything that is new. This inertia must be resisted before it is too late.

The documents being prepared for the Prague NATO Summit follow along the line of strategic intentions adopted previously and move toward the direction that I have outlined here, representing a new important step along this path. These documents will probably not be very entertaining to read and few newspapers would print them in full. But anyone who can influence this should act all the more earnestly with a view to translating their content into reality.

Remark two: The Prague Summit will substantially enlarge the Alliance. This will be the most extensive enlargement experienced by NATO until now, an enlargement of a truly explosive nature. Inevitably, it will bring the Alliance a number of serious complications. However, I believe that these complications will be a thousand times recompensed by the fundamental and long-standing significance of this enlargement.

Only by its accomplishment will the Alliance make it absolutely clear that it has taken the end of a divided Europe truly seriously. While the recent incorporation of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary may have been viewed by some as a sort of trial gesture; as a cautious acknowledgement that something has changed; or, merely as a concession to the consequences of those changes or an act of altruism, the present enlargement can no longer be seen in that light by anybody.

On the contrary: it represents an unmistakable sign that the Alliance is not merely a club of Cold War veterans slightly apprehensive of the mystifying developments in post-Communist countries, but that it truly intends to be an organization encompassing the entire sphere of Euro-American culture, regardless of who once made claim to its individual parts or what those claims were.

If the past centuries witnessed various great powers dividing the small, or smaller, European countries among themselves without asking the latter’s opinion – whether this happened in direct forms such as the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact or indirectly through arrangements such as those at Yalta – the present enlargement of NATO carries an unequivocal message that the era of such divisions is over, once and for all.

Europe is no longer, and must never again be, divided over the heads of its people and against their will into any spheres of interest or influence.

Fifty-seven years lie between the present and World War II; to this day, as is known, there has been no peace conference unambiguously settling all the affairs associated with that war. After a shared readiness to respect the will of all European nations has been affirmed in such an explicit manner, who knows whether the time has not grown ripe for such a conference, or for something that could substitute for it in some way? I do not know, maybe it has not; maybe such a conference can no longer be held for a variety of valid reasons, now or ever; and perhaps it is no longer necessary. I have mentioned this long-forgotten subject simply to underscore the importance that I ascribe to the present NATO enlargement.

When speaking about the enlargement of our defense organization we must not, however, bury our heads in the sand when questioned about where the enlargement process should end, where should the limits be, whether an organization of this type can expand without end.

I am convinced that the enlargement of NATO has logical boundaries and that overstepping those boundaries would result in depriving the entire institution of its meaning. In my understanding, NATO is – among other things – an organization of regional character. It encompasses a very specific sphere of civilization that has been commonly referred to as Euro-Atlantic or Euro-American, or simply as the West.

The countries within this sphere have a similar history, similar traditions, a similar culture, similar political systems, and a similar perception of values and of humanity’s position in the universe. At the same time, this sphere is relatively clearly delimited in geographical terms as well. That is why, for instance, no one would think of offering membership in NATO to New Zealand, which is obviously closer to Britain in terms of civilization than a country such as Albania, while Albania, undoubtedly, will be offered membership sooner or later. Russia, on the other hand, makes up a great part of Europe but obviously represents a Euro-Asian power of such a singular character that its membership in NATO would make no sense either; the only result might be a profound mutual weakening of both bodies and a reduction of their partnership to nothingness.

I have previously stated a number of times, and will gladly repeat it now, that the primary prerequisite for sound cooperation between two States, or regional organizations, consists in clear awareness of where each of them begins and ends, where their borders are and, in particular, where they border each other. Wherever borders are blurred, the situation usually results in conflict, or outright war.

So where is the beginning and where is the end of the cultural sphere that is encompassed by the Alliance, or what the Alliance should encompass or may reasonably be expected to encompass?

In the West, the line apparently runs along the border between the United States and Mexico.

I am less certain about the Eastern border. Much depends not only on the strategic thinking of the organization in question, but also on the self-perception of the individual nations. An open-minded discussion on this subject is obviously called for. The only thing that seems certain to me at the moment is that, in addition to the States to whom the invitation to NATO

will be extended tomorrow, membership in the Alliance should sooner or later be also offered to other Balkan countries – Croatia, Albania, Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina – and that this already should be clearly stated now.

And between west and east? I believe that the Alliance should declare permanent accessibility to all the European democracies that have remained neutral until now, from Finland to Switzerland to Ireland. Many of these nations profoundly cherish the historical traditions of their neutrality, and we all respect that.

Nevertheless, I believe that all these countries sooner or later will ask themselves what the purpose or the content of neutrality is in the world of today; what neutrality actually means; what it makes possible; and, what it makes impossible.

It is certainly understandable that if there are two major power blocs it is of great importance to many countries, for many reasons, to preserve their neutrality, regardless of what they may think of either bloc. But what should one think about neutrality in a situation when such blocs no longer exist, and when the common enemy of all consists of organized crime, terror or the advancement of weapons of mass destruction? Can one be neutral, for example, toward assassins who perpetrate large-scale murders of civilian populations?

Remark three: NATO represents a unique combination of two parts of the world – North America and Europe – closely related to each other and yet fairly distant in many ways, both geographically and mentally. Numerous circumstances indicate that the present era – when so much is changing, so much is being born and so much is subjected to examination – is becoming, among other things, a time of serious testing of the relationship between America and Europe, and that the fate of NATO in the future depends, to a substantial extent, on how those concerned will stand this test.

My personal opinion is that although the two components of our alliance may, in the future, divide various tasks between them in a greater measure than they have until now, they will always need each other. Actually, they may need each other even more in the future than they do now and it would, therefore, be an historical mistake of immense consequences, possibly close to a disaster, if they were to begin to move away from one another at the political level in any major way.

What needs to be done in this situation?

I believe that the first requisite, above all else, is a quest for better knowledge of each other, better mutual understanding and a greater capacity for empathy with one another’s positions and one another’s dilemmas.

Europe should perhaps remind itself, more than it has before, that the two greatest wars in the world’s history to date grew on its soil from conflicts between European countries; and, that on both occasions it was the United States – which had no part in the outbreak of those conflicts – that eventually made the decisive contribution to the victory of the forces of freedom and justice.

And more than that: Who knows whether Western Europe would have been able to hold its ground during the Cold War and withstand the Stalinist, or the Soviet or the Communist, expansion if it had not been backed by the immense potential of strength brought in by the United States, among other things within NATO?

And it was, again, the United States that acted as a driving force in the solution – though apparently belated and imperfect – of certain European conflicts that emerged after the collapse of the Iron Curtain. Would Europe have been able to resolve them on its own?

I am not certain. Looking back at all we have been through during the twentieth century, and witnessing all that is happening today – with the United States being inevitably involved in some way or to some extent – Europeans should be more conscious of the roots and the type of the American responsibility and, if necessary, show a certain amount of understanding for the occasional insensitivity, clumsiness or self-importance that may come with this responsibility.

I would even go so far as to profess my feeling that every European who blames the United States for the manner of subjugation of the world’s economy by its global corporations should realize that it was Europe that gave birth to the entire culture of profit and economic expansion and laid this culture in America’s cradle. It is not very wise to blame our own mirror. Actually, is this not an inadmissible ethnic interpretation of the problem? It is no accident that the large corporations are called “supranational”!

On the other hand, America should realize not only the fact that it owes a substantial part of its greatness and strength to the European roots of its civilization.

First and foremost, it should be aware that it might still need Europe very badly indeed. It is not so difficult to imagine that other powers, equally advanced as today’s USA, might emerge on various continents of our planet ten or twenty years from now and that a close cultural, political and security link with half a billion Europeans might prove to be very useful for the United States, even if merely for the purpose of maintaining balance.

Perhaps all those complicated debates with that fussing gaggle that Europe may occasionally resemble in the eyes of the Americans have meaning after all and are worth pursuing again and again. Where but on European soil, for that matter, can America find a spiritually closer ally or partner in the future?

Remark four: Six months ago, at a NATO-Russia meeting in Italy, we subscribed to the validity of a new, firmer institutional relationship between these two important entities. I will be very keen to hear how this new partnership works, the results it brings and how it helps to promote cooperation in the fight against terrorism and other contemporary dangers threatening both of these cooperating bodies.

Nevertheless, I should like to restate that which I pointed out in Rome already: this firm link between NATO and Russia should by no means create the impression that the wealthier northern hemisphere is forging some kind of a special bond at the expense of the poorer South, or of other continents in general.

We are entering into an era of a multipolar world whose political and security order should emanate from a principle of equality of the various spheres of culture and civilization, various religious worlds, various regional organizations and various continents.

In addition to building good relations with Russia, we should, to my mind, proceed immediately – before it is too late – with a view to establishing and defining NATO’s relations with other crucial entities of today’s world, be they States or regional groupings of nations.

I often stress that NATO represents an alliance designed to defend certain values, usually understood to mean democratic political order, human rights, the rule of law, market economy, freedom of expression, etc. This is clearly true.

Nevertheless, I would recommend that we sometimes use a subtler language and speak not of values, but of a certain perception – in our case a Western perception – of human values that are universal. If we limit ourselves to the terse statement that we represent and protect certain values it may – though obviously unintentionally – create the impression that we may see others as those who profess or defend only some quasi-values.

I do not think that humankind has fared very well on those occasions when some claim that they are the only guardians of truth and the sole worshippers of true deities, thus suggesting that they are somehow superior to those barbarians, pagans, misguided creatures or savages who constitute the rest of the population. On the contrary, the most savage acts of all have often been committed in fights against savages in the name of a ‘one and only’ truth.

Needless to say, this type of understanding for other people, other cultures and other traditions, and of an effort to refrain from looking down at them and to build networks of relations on an equal footing instead, does not mean that we should have to detract in any way from our own standards or to conceal our conviction for the sake of an auspicious climate. On the contrary: genuine friendships cannot be based on a lie; they can thrive only on the life-giving soil of openness to one another.

Let me give you two small examples: I can hardly imagine how someone could combat global terrorism together with the Russians without stating an opinion about their war against the people of Chechnya; or, how someone could join forces with the People’s Republic of China in fighting for the right of peoples to autonomy without mentioning its policies in Tibet.

Ladies and gentlemen, allow me to conclude with my fifth remark.

Extensive debates are now under way on the subject of whether a general threat can be resisted preventively at its very inception, before growing into a general disaster, even if it were to be done at the cost of violation of State sovereignty; or, whether such prevention should be inadmissible as a matter of principle. From NATO’s point of view, this means a debate on whether intervention is possible beyond the purview of Article 5 of the Washington Treaty.

This is a very tricky issue indeed, and it is probably necessary to ask and to look for an answer again and again on each particular occasion. There is no universal answer that would be applicable to every imaginable situation and whoever might try to offer one would be moving on extremely precarious terrain.

I have usually leaned toward the opinion that evil should be combated rather in its germinal stages than in its expanded forms, and also toward the belief that human life, human freedom and human dignity represent higher values than State sovereignty. This leaning, perhaps, gives me the right to raise this serious and complex issue.

In my lifetime, my country experienced two situations whose consequences turned out to be far-reaching, deep and long-lasting. The first of them was the Munich capitulation when two principal European democracies, supposedly in the interest of peace, yielded to Hitler’s pressure and allowed him to dismember the then Czechoslovakia.

They did not save any peace at all. On the contrary: Hitler took their conduct in Munich as the final indication that he was free to unleash a bloody European war, and eventually a world war. I believe that the greater part of my fellow citizens join me in perceiving the Munich experience as evidence in favor of the belief that evil should be resisted as soon as it is born.

We have also had another experience – the occupation by the Warsaw Pact States in 1968. At that time the entire nation reiterated the word ‘sovereignty’, cursing the official Soviet interpretation that the intervention was an act of ‘brotherly help’ offered in the name of a value that ranked higher than national sovereignty – in the name of socialism that was allegedly endangered in our country, which allegedly meant a danger to the prospects for a better life for the human race.

Almost everyone in our country knew that the sole objective was to preserve Soviet domination and economic exploitation, but millions of people in the Soviet Union probably believed that the sovereignty of our State was being suppressed in the name of a higher human value.

This second experience makes me very cautious. It seems to me that whenever we think of intervening against a State in the name of protection of human life we should always ask ourselves – even if only for a moment, or in our innermost thoughts – the question of whether this would not be some kind of a ‘brotherly help’ again.

Three years ago I saw hundreds of thousands of villagers in Kosovo returning to the homes from which they had been expelled. I know of no other instance in modern history when almost a million people would have returned no more than half a year after they were driven out. Those villagers thanked me then – as a very fresh representative of a NATO member State – with tears in their eyes for the intervention against Milosevic’s criminal regime. Once again, I realized that the earnest and responsible debates conducted within the Alliance on whether or not to intervene resulted in the right decision at that time.

But it does not automatically have to be so every time. It is always necessary to weigh on the finest scales whether an envisaged action would really be an act helping people against a criminal regime and protecting humankind against its weapons, or whether, by any chance, it would not be another variation of ‘brotherly help’, though more sophisticated than the Soviet version back in 1968.

We can never lie our way out of responsibility for the decisions we have made. No matter whether they have been right or wrong, we shall always be accountable – to our fellow citizens, as well as to history.

But there is one thing that we can do and that we should do. Before making a decision, we should always subject the matter to the most serious debate on all possible alternatives and all their conceivable consequences and listen most attentively to those whose views are least close to our own.

That for which we are fighting

Hi. I’m trying to lighten up the end-of-year Webdiary, but gee it’s hard. Anyone got something good to say about the year?

On December 15, former Webdiarist supremo Tim Dunlop, now in the US writing his weblog roadtosurfdom, wrote a compelling piece on the ASIO debacle called ‘Beyond left and right on an issue of national importance’. I highly recommend it.

Just as Queenslanders seemed to be the only people to realise what Michael Costa was starting with his ban on the recent WTO street march, maybe ex-South Africans have something to tell us about where we’re headed with draconian new police and spooks powers. Today Mel du Toit and Mike Johnson tell their stories.

Then Jack Robertson and Peter Woodforde respond to Gerard Henderson’s pronouncement of the death of fighting for principle in politics, Concede or you die, a lesson for lefties (smh). I reckon these hard-as-nails commentators who so dominate our newspapers are way-out-of-touch, and that NSW voters will let them know by just how much in March.

The new political correctness dominates the media much more that the political correctness it replaced after 1996 ever did. One Nation knocked the old form for six, and the Greens and community-focused independents will do the same for the new form. For signs of the times, see Alex Mitchell’s piece Mayors begin push on Parliament at sunherald.

For another antidote to high cynicism, read Alan Ramsey’s Saturday column, Brown pricks, PM deflates, at smh. If no-one fights for principle, there’s nothing to compromise about. It all becomes, as Alan wrote, an ever nastier game of who’s got the best spinner, the most powerful media allies, and the most cash from the richest mates:

“The Greens live in the forests, with all the other elves and goblins. But you have to admire their resolution and their values. And increasing numbers of voters, sick to death of debauched major party behaviour and slick, prostituted political values, look to the Greens as the conscience of political life.”

To end, Kate Wildermuth on SIEV-X.

***

Mel du Toit in North Sydney

As a new Australian hailing from South Africa, I find the unfolding recent events so similar to SA. God help us if ASIO gets the Howard powers. Having lived through all the tumultuous tragic events in SA and detention without trial, I see so many glaring parallels.

Where will it stop? People “disappearing”? Newspapers with solid black panels of copy blocked out by “security” legislation? Pre-emptive strikes into Malaysia and Indonesia? Late night court sittings to extend detentions? And then the hatred and the inevitable bombs as the fundamentalists on opposing sides decide that detente is not working and the only solution is a “military” one?

Oh yes, and like what happened in Angola, our buddy Bush will then decide to pull the plug on monetary support for Howard’s military sojourns to blow up our neighbours and we’ll all be left to clean up the shit.

It looks like my personal political struggle will continue here in Australia backing the underdog – Bob Brown and The Greens.

Is this still the lucky country?

***

Mike Johnson in Sydney

I lived though the apartheid police powers, predicated on the [white] perceived terrorist threat from “communists”. . . “amongst us, and advancing from the north [of Africa]”. My view is that Australians now just have no FRIGGING idea what they’re letting themselves into.

Under the SA regime:

1) No policeperson would talk to a journalist unless they had a police pass [issued by police with pic], and they could boot you out of a “crime” scene if you didn’t have one. I think I still have mine somewhere.

2) My share house was raided by security police twice. Once they took away my housemate, Jacqui Boulle [national head of the “end conscription campaign”] and held her in detention without access to lawyers, courts, family or doctors for two weeks. My phone was tapped – we used to get calls in the small hours of the morning with either heavy breathing or anonymous warnings that we were “being watched”.

3) Newspapers faced fines and closure and journalists and editors imprisonment if they did “anything that threatened the security of the state”. The catch? There was no government lawyer you could run anything by. They’d just say, “Well you just publish it and we’ll tell you tomorrow whether you’ve broken the law”!! The result: Self-censorship.

So our paper had a brainwave: Run all stories in full and lay them out [paste-up days], then get the company lawyers in, strip out just the sentences/words they’re worried about and we print the paper with lots of white space to give our readers an idea of what was being withheld from them. It worked for about a fortnight until the GOVERNMENT PASSED LAWS MAKING IT AN OFFENCE TO PUBLISH WHITE SPACE!!

4) As court reporter I covered a number of “terrorism” trials where the evidence that the government wanted heard was dealt with in open [show] court, while the rest was heard in camera by the judge [no jury trials there!]. I saw more judges return from adjournments wearing the black cap to pronounce the death sentence than I can count.

5) And yes, to reflect on your point about Bob Carr’s new police powers, once you’ve got these powers, like Mahatir you don’t have to worry about any political or journalistic opposition any more.

Now, instead of pressuring the Howard regime to drop the US and work with the UN to find a fix for the Palestinian question (a legit “fair go” cause in the Australian book, surely?) THE FRIGGING AUSTRALIAN POPULATION IS FAST ASLEEP OR WATCHING CRICKET!!!

There’s an old Boer cry to battle, “Opsaal, die bloedbad kom!” (used as the title of an article in the late 80s by political satirist Tom Sharpe, deported from South Africa for his books “Riotous Assembly” and “Indecent Exposure” which took the micky out of draconian apartheid laws). It means “Saddle up, the bloodbath is coming!”.

It’s the way I feel right now.

***

That for which we are fighting

by Jack Robertson

If I was feeling ungenerous, I might take Gerard Henderson’s article on pragmatism versus principle in politics as an implicit suggestion that we should all try to find some ‘compromise’ with the way Osama bin Laden reckons the world should be run.

I’m not, so I won’t, but as a former soldier, I find his curious ‘general call to surrender’ on matters of principle more than a bit unsettling. This is especially so given the likelihood that our SAS may soon be risking their lives in Iraq to defend just that: democratic political principles.

Henderson seems to think that ‘pure principle’ is somehow not worth defending, not ever, and that idealistic ‘luvvies’ like me, who support Carmen Lawrence, fail to realise that ‘times have changed’; that because the majority is against her, she should simply ‘compromise’ before she even tries to make any stand. This is defeatist nonsense, not to mention entirely disingenuous, anyway.

For a sound ‘compromise’ is exactly what the ALP achieved here; Lawrence made her ‘pure’ stand, and the Labor Caucus duly responded with precisely the kind of ‘practical politics’ Henderson advocates. The formal position to which Crean and his troops worked their way was that she gracefully departed the shadow cabinet, but remained in the Parliamentary party.

This is how it should be. The modern ALP is a broad church, after all, and Lawrence will continue to argue her case from within on behalf of refugee ‘luvvies’ like me, thus ensuring that the party remains the forum for diverse ideas it has been ever since Gough Whitlam so radically reshaped it.

Henderson does correctly identify the important role ‘compromise’ plays in modern politics, but funnily enough he uses it to poke the wrong side. The Liberal Party, originally a broad, secular-liberal ‘church of many faiths’ but now a rather more narrow and ‘personalised’ political vehicle altogether, might benefit greatly from a more ‘compromising’ internal approach to dissenting views.

Who knows what kind of imaginative solutions our government might have come up with to a ‘problem’ like the Tampa, if it had heeded Henderson’s advice? (A more inclusive approach last October might also have had the ‘pragmatic’ wartime advantage of our RAN not being lumped with the ‘Pacific Solution’ now, leaving them free to concentrate on fighting terrorism alone.)

Despite what Henderson claims, political ‘principle’ is in fact the bedrock upon which any secure country must brace, and the real trick is in knowing when exactly it must be invoked.

Just imagine if that old ‘Lefty Luvvie’ John Curtin hadn’t got that ‘trick’ right, and had followed Henderson’s formula – ‘concede or die’ – when confronted by the pressure Winston Churchill placed upon him to divert our soldiers to fight in India, rather than return for the battle at home?

Churchill, who knew a thing or two about when not to ‘concede’ on ‘principle’ himself, must have been a formidable man to face down, and all Australians should be grateful that our greatest wartime Prime Minister made the right ‘pure’ choice on that occasion, and then had the grit to ‘stand firm’ when it mattered.

For what Henderson apparently fails to grasp is that political ‘pragmatism’ and political ‘principle’ are not always mutually exclusive. In fact, in times of war, when we ask our young people to risk death on our behalf, it is more often that the ‘principled’ stand is also the ‘practical’ one.

Our leaders must inspire our soldiers sufficiently to be willing to sacrifice everything, and the only way to do this is to embrace ‘pure’ core principles themselves. Greater love hath no woman than she should give her life for her country’s backroom political number-crunchers? I think not.

On balance, I think Henderson has got it dangerously wrong. Ultimately, our soldiers fight precisely so that leaders like Lawrence, Simon Crean, Brian Greig, Bob Brown and Len Harris will remain free to stand firm on principle when necessary, as these resolute politicians all did when John Howard, as it happened, refused to compromise on his ASIO Bill.

I do partly agree with Henderson, in the sense that the Prime Minister’s judgement here illustrates well how a stubborn refusal to compromise can sometimes represent an attempt to force, as he puts it, a ‘harsh right-wing or left-wing agenda’ upon the ‘overwhelming majority of Australians’. I also agree that at other times – as in Lawrence’s case – the parties to which such ‘uncompromising’ politicians belong might decide that the ‘pure’ stand is too electorally damaging to embrace.

But at yet other times – wartimes especially, as both ‘lefties’ like Curtin and ‘righties’ like Churchill knew well – the apparent ‘middle path’ of ‘easy compromise’ can in fact turn out to be the slipperiest slope there is. So Henderson is only half-right in his cynical view of the ‘art of democratic politics’: yes, it does require compromise, but the real art lies in not simply giving way on everything you believe, like some value-free ‘political fixer’, but in knowing when to compromise, and when to stand resolute and firm.

Right now, our ADF is counting on our politicians getting that balance right. Let’s hope there’s another John Curtin who proves up to that subtle task, whether she be ‘soppy lefty luvvie’, ‘stern righty pragmatist’ or perhaps somewhere in between.

Jack Robertson is a former Aide-de-Camp to Governor General Bill Hayden and the brother of a current member of the Australian SAS.

***

Peter Woodforde in Canberra

Here is one word in reply to Gerard Henderson’s laborious, pencil-chewing essay on “expressive v instrumental politics” – Medicare. It was relentlessly hard-fought and hard-won (of course, these days Howard’s Liberals are working meanly and trickily to destroy it by stealth).

Concede or die, Gerard? No. Concede and die, probably in a degraded public health system.

Gerard needs to remember that the Australian idea of a fair go is both expression and instrument, which is why it is such anathema to the Right.

***

Kate Wildermuth

I would like to make a correction to Brett Harrison’s statement in Where have all the flowers gone… (webdiaryDec16):

“The only people in Australia who even think about SIEV-X are refugee advocates and political opponents of the current Government, both for obvious reasons.”

There is at least one other person who cares enough to write about the issue. It’s Brett Harrison himself. He took the time to write. Instead of asking him why he felt so compelled to take the time to write and say he didn’t care about the drowning of 353 people, I’ll ask him something easy.

What is he doing to have Abu Quassey brought to Australia for trial? After all, it was not Tony Kevin who first raised that possibility. It was Senator Ellison and Mick Keelty from the Australian Federal Police. Megan Saunders’ article in The Age, ‘Minister draws smuggler hit list’ (28/07/02) says:

“The man alleged to be behind the disastrous Siev X vessel, which foundered off the Java coastline drowning 353 asylum-seekers, Abu Quassey, is also being sought by Australian police. Senator Ellison said three warrants were out for his arrest in relation to people-smuggling offences.

“Mr Quassey is in the custody of Indonesian police and is being tried in Indonesia for immigration offences. ‘We are liaising with Indonesian authorities in relation to Mr Abu Quassey and we have received great co-operation from Indonesian authorities,’ Senator Ellison said. ‘We are very keen to have Mr Quassey front an Australian court to answer those three charges.”

John Howard cared enough to proclaim that SIEV-X sank in Indonesian waters when it did not. Senator Ellison cared enough to say they were very keen to have Mr Quassey front an Australian court. There are 354 reasons for bringing Abu Quassey to Australia for trial. Only one of them is that the Howard Government said they were keen to do so.

Mr Harrison, instead of telling us you don’t care now, answer this. Did you write a letter to complain you didn’t care when Senator Ellison was keen to have Abu Quassey brought to Australia for trial? Or is it only now the disruption activies have been raised?

Mr Harrison, what are you are doing to keep this Government to its word to bring Abu Quassey to Australia for trial?

SIEV-X:Crunch time

During the federal election last year, John Howard categorically assured Australians that SIEV-X sank in Indonesian waters and proceeded to score heavily against Kim Beazley for daring to suggest that the death by drowning of 353 people could have something to do with us.

His priority, Howard said, was to bring to justice the evil people-smugglers who preyed on the desperate for profit.

Lo and behold, we end this year with the extraordinary claim by the government that it can’t extradite the people smuggler who forced people to board the unseaworthy, chronically overloaded SIEV-X with the help of Indonesian officers bearing guns because we don’t know where it sank!

You’ve got to hand it to a government which now wants an early election to give itself powers to detain and interrogate Australians not suspected of any crime for up to seven days – it sure knows how to have its cake and eat it.

You see, if SIEV-X sank in Indonesian waters, Abu Quassey could be tried for manslaughter in Indonesia. If it sank in international waters – as confirmed by every bit of evidence dragged out of the intelligence bodies and the immigration department, and the evidence of the local Indonesian Harbor master – Australia can extradite Abu Quassey when he gets out of an Indonesian jail on January 1.

If it sank in Indonesian waters, the Indonesians could try him for murder.

Alas, the government SAYS its legal advice is that it can’t be proved either way, and asks us to believe that means he can’t be charged by either country. Not the country SIEV-X sailed from, or the country it intended to sail to, it expects us to believe. The legal advice (naturally the Australian people aren’t allowed to see it) comes more than a year after the tragedy, and, coincidentally, just before Abu Quassey goes free.

The government has said over and over that since SIEV-X the Indonesian government has fully co-operated in bringing people-smugglers to justice. It was to have passed people-smuggling laws this year, in which case we could have extradited Abu Quassey on his release regardless of where SIEV-X sank. Lo and behold the Indonesians haven’t got around to it, and Australia doesn’t seem to care about their tardiness.

The AFP commissioner Mick Keelty has used every Sir Humphrey trick in the book to delay telling the truth about SIEV-X. Way back in July he said he couldn’t give evidence to the Senate inquiry because he could very well extradite Abu Quassey for murder, and that Australia could well have jurisdiction because the boat was headed here.

Months on, oh dear, the legal advice ruled out doing anything, and even that bit of information had to be dragged out of him during questioning by Senator John Faulkner last month. Keelty made headlines when he said we could try Abu Quassey for murder, yet made no public announcement when he decided to drop it.

He’s then claimed public interest immunity from answering questions about whether the AFP was involved in putting tracking devices on the boats. All boats, that is, except SIEV-X, where he says the AFP did no such thing. He studiously avoided saying whether the Indonesian police the AFP paid to “disrupt” boats did.

Maybe it’s not in the interests of the Indonesian or the Australian governments to bring to justice the man responsible for our region’s worst maritime incident.

Looking back on a long year, its amazing to think that SIEV-X wouldn’t have got a guernsey as news if a pesky ex-diplomat called Tony Kevin hadn’t taken an interest. Before he started asking questions, the government was sitting pretty. Howard’s statement – backed by the defence force – that it sank in Indonesian waters, and the Australian navy’s statements that it knew nothing of SIEV-X until after it sank saw to that.

Both statements were untrue. Since then, Defence minister Robert Hill has banned key defence personnel from giving evidence and Mick Keelty has delayed testifying pending the extradition of Abu Quassey, then taken every question he could answer on notice. Getting information has been worse than pulling hen’s teeth.

I don’t known about you, but I don’t trust John Howard and his spooks to respect my rights and my freedoms.

For the latest twists in the SIEV-X cover-up, go to http://sievx.com. Here’s a piece I asked Tony Kevin to write for Webdiary on crunch time for SIEV-X. If Abu Quassey walks free on January 1, Australians lose their chance to find out what really happened. You’d have to say that on its performance this year, that’s exactly the result the government wants.

***

It is crunch time on SIEV-X

by Tony Kevin

Oh no, not SIEV-X again nagging at our under-exercised consciences in the Christmas holiday season? I’m afraid so: Webdiary readers, please read this and act if you can!

Abu Quassey, the self-confessed organiser of the SIEV-X voyage that on 19 October 2001 sank, drowning 353 mostly Iraqi and Afghan asylum-seekers on route from Indonesia to Australia, including 146 women and 142 children, will thanks to Australian Government deliberate inaction walk free on 1 January 2003, at the end of a short Indonesian jail term for minor passport offences.

He will disappear and not be seen again. Yet he must carry in his head much of the truth about the grubby Australian – Indonesian police undercover “sting” industry, otherwise known as the AFP’s People Smuggling Disruption Program, that led to these deaths.

If we want to “get the bastards who did this”, we only have a very few days left to help build a sense of public outrage that will upset the carefully contrived Australian Government plan to have Quassey released on schedule.

Or do we as a nation think that 353 deaths don’t matter? If that is what Australians think after Bali and with a “war on terror” – ie a non-UN sanctioned allied invasion of Iraq – staring us in the face, then God help us all. Terror does not discriminate between “good” and “bad” Australians. What goes around will come around.

Yet here is the upside. If Australia, even now, does the right thing on SIEV-X – if we show that we are not afraid to confront possibly ugly truths about ourselves in establishing full accountability for the SIEV-X atrocity – then the world, including the Muslim world, will again respect Australia for its honesty and courage, and will respond accordingly. The Abrahamic religions – Christianity, Judaism and Islam – share a passion for truth, justice and accountability. All three believe in the indivisibility of justice, and in one law for all under God.

So this issue is of vital national security importance as well as being about doing the right thing by our neighbours and our own values of equal justice for all.

Here is a basic guide to the main elements of where SIEV-X is now and why it is crunch time now.

I say this because strategies on both sides are now in place, and the outcome is finely poised. David is filling his sling to go up against Goliath. It could go either way. This is a historic contest for Australias soul.

Over the top? No, because something horribly evil was done to the 353 people who drowned on SIEV-X. It is in our power now to expose the truth of this, or to shrug and turn aside from it “because they were only Muslim asylum-seekers”.

Whatever we do is going to affect Australian politics. Establishing the truth of what happened on SIEV-X could halt the seemingly inexorable trend towards an increasingly authoritarian, xenophobic and uncompassionate national security state in Australia. It could shock us into seeing the ugly direction in which John Howard is trying to take this country.

Questions:

We know that all asylum-seeker boats leaving Indonesia in 2001 were leaky and overcrowded and that many sank: might SIEV-X’s sinking have simply been the largest-ever tragic accident of this kind? Might it simply have been the result of a greedy people smuggler overloading his boat to maximise his profits ? Was Abu Quassey acting alone?

Answers:

No, no and no.

SIEV-X’s overload factor was four times the design load and double that of any previous overcrowded boat of this size that reached Australian island destinations. It was a “coffin ship”, loaded to capsize in the first stretch of choppy water it reached.

Abu Quassey was not a “real” people smuggler. He was a “sting” operator who worked in collusion with Indonesian police disruption teams to set up phoney voyages sabotaged to fail through engine breakdown or sinking. The purpose was to deter people-smuggling ( while making some money from asylum-seekers on the way). Quassey was initially a people-smuggler’s driver. He was recruited by Indonesian police disruption agents and set up in business in late 2000 . He became rich very quickly. One or two early voyages were successful, to establish his reputation as a people smuggler. Many later attempted voyages failed. He was never harassed by police though his passport status was known to be vulnerable. Someone was protecting him.

It is known that Quassey offered free places on SIEV-X to people on his business records who had lost their money on his previous Sting voyages that were set up to fail while still close to Indonesia. The significance of this is that he was so anxious to quickly load up this boat that he was giving places in it away – hardly the act of an over-greedy people smuggler. Quassey was supported by some Middle Eastern accomplices and by large numbers of supporting Indonesian police who facilitated an overnight bus journey of 420 people in a convoy of five buses, from Cisarua (Bogor) across Western Java and by ferry across the Sunda Strait at Merak, to a police-run hotel near Bandar Lampung, Sumatra where the passengers hid out for the day. Police loaded the people onto SIEV-X by launch-loads, using armed force. Quassey had a latest model police radio-telephone and a gun. He helped the forced loading. He beat some passengers when they tried to get off. He lied to passengers that they would be joining another larger boat for the trip to Christmas Island; they never did. One particular group of passengers (Mendean Christians) were warned by a co-religionist accomplice of Quassey to get off the boat as soon as they safely could: they did so, at the Karakatu (Krakatoa) islands near Bandar Lampung. They warned the others as they were disembarking.

Indonesian police tracked the boat, possibly using a tracking device concealed on the boat and previously supplied to them by AFP (see below) .A police (or military) patrol boat went out to inspect the wreckage in the early evening a few hours after the sinking. It made no attempt to rescue survivors. Some strong swimmers were seen to have swum to the boat. They have not been seen since. Police gave the coordinates to Indonesian fishing boats who went out to rescue 44 remaining survivors the next day. The rescue location coordinates are on official Indonesian harbormaster records.

No police have been arrested. There has been no enquiry. Quassey refused to tell SBS media who his Indonesian police or military accomplices were but he was visibly frightened by the question.

There is no doubt Quassey was the organiser, that it was a planned sabotage operation, and that police worked with Quassey on it. Even on 24 October 2001, five days after the sinking, The Australian’s well-informed Jakarta correspondent Don Greenlees reported (in “Overload kills on voyage of doom”):

Survivors interviewed yesterday said they had told Australian officials of the identity of the main people-smuggler behind the operation — a man identifying himself as an Egyptian citizen named Abu Quessai. He is believed to be associated with one of the biggest people-smuggling rings in Indonesia, operating out of Jakarta.

But signals from Indonesian police yesterday suggested there was unlikely to be any action taken against the smugglers over what would be a major case of manslaughter. Indonesian police spokesman Brigadier Saleh Saaf said the information received by police was that the boat had not sunk but had run out of fuel. Despite the harrowing stories of survivors, Brigadier Saaf denied anyone had drowned.

Question:

OK, let’s accept that Indonesian police were involved with Quassey in this huge crime – but can you prove an Australian causal connection ?

Answer:

There is enough multi-source “smoking gun” indicative evidence to make this a hypothesis likely. It certainly merits a full-powers independent judicial investigation where questions cannot be evaded. There is a case to be answered, and this is the view of a Senate majority of all Opposition parties and independents (Senate motion passed on 10 December)

The evidence falls into three subsets:

1. Motive

SIEV-X’s sinking was enormously convenient in terms of timing, scale of death and deterrent shock value to the Howard Government. It came at a time of pressure. An election was imminent. Howard had to show that his aggressive border protection strategies were working. The Pacific Solution was legally shaky and being ridiculed. HMAS Adelaide’s interception of SIEV-4 (the “kids overboard” SIEV) had failed in sending the boat back.

We know that Howard was briefed on 8 October that an overhang of 2500 suspected unauthorised arrivals were waiting in Indonesia to come to Australia and that this had to be prevented “at all costs”.

Four days later the order went out from Jane Halton’s boat people task force in the Prime Minister’s Department to the AFP to “examine scope for beefing up the people smuggling disruption program”.

SIEV-X sank a week later. Asylum-seeker voyages dried up within a couple of weeks. Howard won the election on tough – and successful – border protection policies. Yet the election was close.

Another humiliating border protection failure might have cost Howard the election. Imagine if 397 SIEV-X passengers had been rescued by the Australian Navy and had to be dealt with by Australian authorities. The mockery from the Labor Party could have cost Howard the election.

2. Means

The AFP’s People Smuggling Disruption Program was an effective, initially clandestine instrument, in place in Indonesia since at least September 2000. Now that its cover has been blown, we are assured there was nothing sinister about it. If so, why were its details so carefully concealed for so long? It operated under a Protocol (still not public, but probably quite general and bland in its wording) signed at that time that hung off an existing Australian – Indonesian police cooperation agreement against organised crime.

This is one reason why it has been important for the Australian Government to talk up since 1999 the idea that people smuggling is a dimension of organised transnational crime, to provide the cover for such agreements with countries where ferrying people across porous borders is seen as a kind service to people in distress rather than a crime. Australia set out to criminalise “people-smuggling” as right down there with drug-running, sexslave trafficking, and gun-running. It has been quite successful in this, especially since the tragedy of SIEV-X.

The reality before 2000 was that people smuggling was small-scale water-taxi work, combining the boats and crews of out-of-work Indonesian fishing boats denied access by Australia to traditional fishing grounds around Ashmore Reef and Middle Eastern entrepreneurs seeing the chance to provide a service and make a dollar.

It is not coincidental, as my former Soviet diplomatic counterparts used to say, that as AFP interest and budgets for anti-people smuggling activity in Indonesia increased, so the “organised crime” dimension of people smuggling began to grow. That is because the AFPs network of undercover informants – actually they were more than this, they were active sting operators – were getting into the industry and increasing market share through favoured Indonesian police treatment. People like Kevin Enniss, whose activities have been exposed by the Channel Nine Sunday program, became major people smugglers.

A still current AFP Association webpage survey of AFP activities in 2001 speaks unashamedly of the need for AFP “to fund ‘sting’ operations, whereby the AFP establishes small shipping companies in strategic locations known for smuggling illegal immigrants”.

The AFP has defended Enniss people smuggling as necessary cover for his information-gathering. Actually it was much more than that: He was a disruption agent who organised voyages, took money , and then disabled and sank his own boats – all as part of the plan to discredit people smuggling over a period as a dangerous and extortionate trade with which asylum seekers should not engage.

So while the Australian Embassy gave away T-shirts and leaflets warning asylum-seekers against the dangers of using people smugglers, people like Enniss – with at least some AFP knowledge and approval were touting for business so as to fleece people and prove the Embassy warnings were right.

Enniss had migration problems in Indonesia – he ran into trouble with the regular police who fingered his people smuggling activity – but the Embassy made representations on his behalf to allow him to stay. Obviously his work was seen as important. There were others like him, no doubt still are, whose cover has not been blown as Enniss cover was blown by the Sunday program.

The other dimension of the AFP People Smuggling Disruption Program that underpinned the whole murky operation was the set of five Indonesian Police Special Intelligence Units ( INP SIU) . Under the auspices of the Protocol, the AFP in 2000 funded 20 POLDA officers, who were selected by AFP and tasked to set up five INP SIU. These 20 men were trained intensively by AFP officers in anti-people smuggling operations. They comprised four officers each from the POLDA jurisdictions of Bali, NTT (West Timor), NTB (Flores-Lombok area), Metro Jaya, (Jakarta) and Jawa Barat ( West Java) .

Their training took place in Bali in October 2000 and included investigation techniques, surveillance, information management and financial acquittal procedures. They received funds from the AFP. They were tasked to set up POLDA teams for the ongoing gathering of information, arrests and prosecutions of Indonesian-based people smugglers and their networks.

The Protocol allowed for the AFP and POLDA to exchange advice regarding target selection, technical and management support of operations, informant management, information facilitation and assistance in financial reporting.

Remember, people smuggling was not and is not illegal in Indonesia. The AFP basically had set up what were in effect their own teams of mercenaries – a police force within the INP that did what the Australian trainers and paymasters in general terms wanted done.

But the AFP in the end created a monster. AFP Commissioner Keelty admitted reluctantly on 11 July that AFP paid INP to disrupt people smuggling (not, he stressed, on a specific fee-for-service basis) but he also admitted that AFP had no idea how their INP SIU operatives went about their tasks. He said that if POLDA units had sabotaged engines as a way of disrupting people smuggling, AFP would not approve but would not know about it either.

This revealing exchange sparked off by Senator Cook demonstrates the philosophy of deniability that lies at the heart of the whole disruption operation in Indonesia: Keep in regular contact with your INP SIU buddies, hint at them what you want done, give them any equipment they need, but don’t be around when it happens and make sure you only know as much about it as you want to know and when you want to know it : Remember Keelty’s phrase: “target selection, technical and management support of operations, informant management, information facilitation”.

Its easy to model SIEV-X in this frame. Suppose the word went out from Canberra around 8-12 October for the AFP liaison officers to tell their INP SIU buddies – we want a big operation, serious deterrence. INP SIU has Quassey in place. They – not the AFP – tell him to get a large passenger load together quickly. INP SIU or somebody like Enniss gets a boat for Quassey – it moves westwards around the coast from Cilicap, thereby usefully generating a lot of incorrect intelligence reports to send to Australia about possible earlier Quassey boat departures.

The West Java and Jakarta SIU teams organise a smooth road transit for Quassey’s bus convoy to Bandar Lampung, provide day accommodation in their hotel, and prepare the boat. They provide the armed muscle to load the frightened unwilling passengers aboard. They activate the tracking device previously given them by AFP and they thereby track the boat. After it sinks, they go out and do a visual check. They organise the fishing boat rescue the next day. Finally probably not before 20 or 21 October – or even later – they tell AFP what was done.

We don’t know, because the AFP has refused to reveal any of its intelligence on SIEV-X. There were at least six reports, and the information that might exist about SIEV-X in the PM & C PST and DIMIA intelligence reports lies under acres of black blot-out ink. Ony an independent judicial enquiry could establish what lies beneath the blackouts. Meanwhile the AFP has achieved maximum deniability, and the job is done.

If you think this far-fetched, consider two more points.

In September 2001, the Indonesian Government cancelled the Protocol. Keelty has not clearly explained why, but he vaguely agreed it might have something to do with envy from other POLDA units that were not sharing in the benefits provided by the AFP to their SIU friends. Or just maybe, the Indonesian Goverment was becoming concerned about the way the program was corrupting some members of their police force and turning them into Australian mercenaries. In any case, Keelty said, the AFP did not let the cancellation of the Protocol faze them: they just went on with their established working connections informally. So those arrangements were informally still operative when SIEV-X sank but not under Protocol cover. Such cover was restored in early 2002 under new intergovernmental umbrella agreements in which something similar to the original Protocol has no doubt been discreetly reinstated.

Secondly, read the intelligence reports that went to Howard and Ruddock on 23 October from the People Smuggling Taskforce in PM&C and from DIMIA. Read the amazing numerical detail : how many passengers, nationalities genders and ages, how many were previously in touch with IOM and UNHCR etc. Even the exact dimensions of the boat, 19.5 by 4 metres. These guys were betrayed by their own passion for reporting detailed facts. The material that came down to Canberra on 23 October could not possibly have come from talking to survivors. It came from the organisers of the voyage. To me that is very persuasive evidence that SIU were working with Quessay; that he was their boy

Then there’s the manifest systemic concealment and obfuscation of facts in response to Senators’ questions. You’d have to read Committee Hansards or even better see videoed proceedings to get a full sense of this. I won’t go into details here. But senior witnesses with lots to hide were very good at dragging things out and offering selective well-timed leaks of carefully packaged information, until a cynical press got totally browned-off and bored. It largely worked. In the end hardly anyone was following the evidence outside the Committee, except the batteries of officials monitoring proceedings from the Defence war room hidden away next door.

Governments don’t go to such lengths to hide and spin-doctor information from Senators unless they are anxious to hide something pretty important and pretty disreputable.

Question:

What is the current situation – why is it crunch time?

Answer:

The Senate inquiry Report has been out seven weeks but the issue won’t die. The Australian Defence Force has been at least temporarily absolved but there is intense investigative focus from Senator Faulkner on the AFP’s disruption program. Our SIEV-X movement has put the need to stop Quessay’s upcoming release at the heart of our campaign, and there is now a fascinating and creative dynamic between our activity and opposition parties activity in the Senate. The two motions passed this week are landmarks for judicial accountability.

Senators Collins and Bartlett brought the Quassey extradition issue to a head this week. They called for explanations as to why the government was not pressing the extradition for homicide option, as Keelty had indicated in July was in progress. Suspicion of homicide, unlike people smuggling, is extraditable in both countries now.

The Government’s answers on 11 December (Senator Campbell in the Senate) and 12 December ( Senator Ellison in written reply to good questions from Senator Bartlett) were stunning in their cynicism and indifference to mass deaths by drowning.

Here are Ellisons key points: (Hansard page 7285-6)

Abu Quassey .. is due for release on 1 January 2003.

The Australian Government is working with other Governments in the region to seek to apprehend Abu Quassey in relation to his alleged involvement in people smuggling activities and bring

him to Australia to face the charges. As people smuggling is not currently an offence in Indonesia, the dual criminality required for Australia to request his extradition from Indonesia does not currently exist. Australian authorities are continuing to work towards criminalisation of people smuggling in the region and Indonesian authorities have indicated that legislation would be introduced into the Indonesian Parliament this year criminalising people smuggling.

In relation to a potential murder charge in either the Australian or Indonesian jurisdiction, the AFP has not been able to establish the location where SIEV X sank, therefore, it is not possible to establish the relevant jurisdiction for any prosecution relating to the deaths on board. Four first instance arrest warrants have been sworn in Australia in respect to Quassey for alleged offences relating to organising Suspected Illegal Entry Vessels (SIEVs). The first three warrants for his arrest were sworn on 3 June 2002 and span alleged offences that occurred between February 2000 and August 2001. The latest warrant for his arrest is in relation to his alleged involvement in organising SIEV X in which 353 people died when it sank in October 2001.

The issue of the fourth warrant in Brisbane on Friday last week follows the compilation of a brief of evidence which was submitted to the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecution. This brief of evidence in relation to SIEV X includes evidence from interviews with survivors of SIEV X in Australia. The strength of the evidence supporting any warrant is a matter for the courts to determine. It is not appropriate for the brief of evidence to be scrutinised by Parliament prior to any legal proceedings and any public discussion could prejudice the investigation. Once an existing warrant is acted upon, the matter becomes sub judice.

The swearing of first instance warrants means an Interpol alert can be issued and it will ensure that the Australian Government can seek to extradite Abu Quassey should circumstances allow. Australia respects that Indonesia, as a sovereign state, must make its own decision whether or not to investigate any particular matter.

 

Like Pontius Pilate, the Australian Government now washes its hands of the murder issue because of a claimed inability to establish the jurisdiction in which SIEV-X sank ( ie either in Indonesian territorial waters or in international waters). If in the latter, Australia could seek extradition on grounds that the deaths took place on the high seas on route to an Australian destination, Christmas Island.

This is self-serving nonsense. Quassey cannot be allowed to fall between the cracks into a legal limbo when 353 deaths are at issue. The issue is too important and there must be a way to deal with this. Are any lawyers reading this?

In fact there is very strong multi-sourced information that the boat sank 50-65 miles south of Indonesia, well out into international waters. That evidence includes:

* Jakarta Harbormaster’s official report of survivor rescue coordinates reported by rescue boats which are 51.5 miles south of Java

* two authoritative intelligence reports of the afternoon of 23 October 2001 in PST and DIMIA putting the sinking in international waters (PST) and 60 nautical miles south of Indonesia ( DIMIA)

* various media reports of 24-25 October 2001 (eg.The Australian op.cit,. by Greenlee: “About 80km from land at 2pm on Friday, the fishing vessel began to take heavy water, listed violently to the side, capsized and sank within an hour.”

The Indonesian Government will hopefully reject the trap the Australian Government is setting for it. If the Indonesians now say publicly that on the basis of public information they are satisfied that the boat sank in international waters and that they would facilitate an Australian homicide-based extradition request, this would put the Quidditch ball back in the Australian court. Let us hope that Indonesia comes to this morally correct as well as self-interested conclusion – why should they be left to carry the can for any capital crimes committed under Australias disruption program ?

This is the strategy our SIEV-X movement will drive over the next 17 days. We want to expose our government’s cynical irresponsibility in a matter of 353 deaths. Judge Ellison’s statement for yourself. We need public support -lots of it.

Fighting for our trust

This is a momentous day for our nation. Here are two transcripts which set the basis of debate over the next three months before Howard forces a terrible choice on Simon Crean.

First, the government message from The House of Representatives which allows John Howard to call a double dissolution election if the Senate rejects the ASIO bill on February 4.

Then the most important speech Crean has made in his life – the speech accepting John Howard’s challenge to fight an election on the balance of power and rights between the citizen and the State during the war on terror.

***

HOUSE MESSAGE – LAYING ASIDE BILL

Friday, 13 December 2002

This is an important bill. It has become the test of commitment to the security of the nation. The fact is that the government has proven its commitment to making this nation more secure.

We introduced this Bill and we have continued to press for its passage despite continued resistance and obstruction by the Opposition. We have come a long way and made significant compromises to secure the passage of this Bill.

At the end of the day the Opposition have made none. The Government will do what is necessary to protect the community from terrorism and the Opposition will not.

The Opposition will try and pretend to the community that a Bill robbed of its workability and impact by its own amendments will still deliver to them the protection they need. The Government will not.

That is why, regrettably we find ourselves in this position.

And that is why we are insisting on disagreeing with the Senate’s amendments.

***

SIMON CREAN

PARLIAMENTARY DEBATE ON ASIO BILL

FRIDAY 13 DECEMBER 2002 11.45AM-12.00 NOON

This Bill can be passed today if one person gives the go-ahead. We know, Mr Speaker, that there are people on that side of the Parliament that support the Bill that’s before us now. And how do we know? Because they’ve voted for it in two committees that this Parliament has exhaustively considered.

Now, I’m actually delighted to see the Prime Minister in here for the debate. For the first time, Prime Minister, you are in this House to debate this Bill. You’re always quick to run to the media, but you won’t come and debate it in here. Show the courage that you like people to think you’ve got and debate it in here … And I don’t just invite him to participate in the debate, I challenge him to support the Bill. I challenge him to support the Bill.

The reason I do that is because the Bill before this Parliament gives to ASIO the toughest powers it’s ever had in its history. Why would you pass that up, Prime Minister? If you’re out there saying that you’re concerned about the security of this nation, why not pass this Bill? Here. Now. Today. And if you said, if you said that you were prepared to pass this Bill, this could be law at lunchtime – and you know it. Don’t go out there with the crocodile tears saying that you’re concerned about the security of this nation, when you had the opportunity, you had the opportunity alone, to determine it.

You know, it’s a reminder of a famous statement that was made in our party once: Whose party is it, Prime Minister? Yours or theirs? Yours or theirs? Because there are people over there that know that this Bill is the right way forward.

The other reason that I challenge you today, Prime Minister, is this – the nation deserves it. The nation does deserve the security over Christmas time. They deserve it for the next three years that this Bill will provide, and they deserve it because we are in a different situation. We are under a new threat. And we, as a nation, have to rise to that threat.

And don’t go out there and start questioning the credentials of the Labor Party, because this Party has always stood for the national interest. This nation, this Party has always fought for the freedoms and liberties, and it was John Curtin, it was John Curtin of whom it was said: This country was left a free people and a free nation. It was the Labor Party that established ASIO, always with the safeguards. And that’s what the Bill before the Parliament does again today. And that’s why it should be supported.

Now, I heard the Prime Minister out there today claiming that the Labor Party is divided on that, and using the fact, using the fact, Mr Speaker, that our numbers are down. You know why our numbers are down? Because there are people here with family responsibilities that were told that this Parliament would not be sitting, told that they wouldn’t be sitting. But I say this, in case there’s any doubt – and I’m glad the Prime Minister has moved forward and I hope he’s going to engage the debate for the first time today, because he hasn’t had the courage to come into this Parliament and deal with it before.

But I just say to you, Prime Minister, in terms of the Bill that’s before the Parliament, it has been before the Parliamentary Labor Party on three occasions in full Caucus. It has been to the Shadow Cabinet at least as many times, and it has been through the Caucus Committee. And every time it was supported unanimously. And if there is any doubt about it, I say to the Members in this Parliament – this Party is united in the position of support for this Bill.

The other grubby little tactic that you have been out today with, is trying to assert that there is inconsistency between our position on this and that in relation to New South Wales. Let me just make this important distinction. The Bill in New South Wales, the legislation in New South Wales is police powers to arrest and search suspects. This Bill is about detention and intelligence-gathering powers by ASIO for non-suspects. There is no comparison at all, and you know it.

Now, Prime Minister, what you are doing to this nation, by going out with your rhetoric, is playing on their fears. They don’t want their fears played upon – they want a solution. And the Bill before the Parliament today provides that solution – a solution that says that, given the changed circumstances, we need to provide increased powers for ASIO.

And the truth of it is, the legislation before the Parliament provides the toughest powers that ASIO has ever had – unprecedented powers for ASIO, and powers that no other western democracy gives to its intelligence-gathering organisations. So let us hear none of this argument that this hasn’t given increased powers or tough powers to ASIO.

But the truth of it is – and the public knows it – if you are going to give ASIO additional powers, what goes with it is safeguards. And that is what the Bill provides, and that is why you should support it. I can’t understand your logic, Prime Minister, when you go out there and argue that this nation needs to be secure over the Christmas time. This Bill gives the security, and you won’t pass it.

And I challenge you again. I challenge the Prime Minister again, Mr Speaker, to put aside what he thinks is the personal political opportunity to try and deal with this Bill in the public, and deal with it in the national interest. Deal with it through the Parliament, deal with it through the debate, deal with in the same way that members of your party have dealt with it – through committee, through investigation, through analysis.

The same basis upon which they looked at your Bill in its first instance and said it was flawed.

The same way in which the Member for Fadden on your own side of Parliament (David Jull, head of the joint house ASIO committee) said it was a threat to the democratic values in this society. The same way as people from your party in the Senate will not support the sorts of things that you are trying to still insist upon in terms of your original Bill.

Oh, he’s not here, the Member for Fadden. Now is that an indication, another indication that there’s a division on your side? Where is he? We’ve got the disunity on their side. Oh, I see, here he is. Come on in, Member for Fadden, because you at least have had the decency, you at least have had the decency and honesty to expose what your Prime Minister is on about.

And there are people, there are people on your side of the Parliament, Prime Minister, that know that this Bill is in the best interests of the nation. And that’s what the Prime Minister of this nation has got to do in these times of threat, in these times of challenge for the nation, in these times in which we do need leadership, leadership that provides a solution – not leadership that simply plays to the fear of Australians.

Now, I understand the concern that Australians are going through. I understand it, and we all understand it on this side of the Parliament – particularly post-Bali – and that’s why we have said from the beginning we are prepared to ensure that this Parliament provides the avenue for the toughest powers that ASIO needs to apprehend, to gather intelligence, and to stamp out terrorism. We have always said we’re prepared to throw the book at the terrorists, because that’s who we’ve got to concentrate upon.

But I’ll tell you what. In the process of it, we’ve got to ensure the safeguards for our citizens are also contained. And that’s why we’re arguing about the principles, the principles that are contained and still remain – only three of them. One that goes to the question of the age. The other that goes to the question of access to legal representation. And the other, of course, that goes to the question of, well the issue of detention. Now the reason I hesitated with that, Prime Minister, is because when the Attorney-General, when the Attorney-General was negotiating this with our side, he simply said he wanted investigative powers for ASIO, not the detention capacity. That’s what he said – inquiry, inquiry powers, that’s what he wanted. Now, we have given that, we have given that in this Bill.

We have said that we are prepared to give up to 20 hours of questioning for non-suspects – non-suspects, Prime Minister, because that’s what this legislation covers. It doesn’t cover the suspects, it’s the non-suspects. And we’re prepared to give up to 20 hours by which the intelligence-gatherers can question and determine the next course of action. We think that is entirely appropriate, particularly given the criminal code, the Crimes Act, only allows up to 12 in other circumstances. This is an extension of it. And so these are the three issues about which we do disagree with you.

But when you think about it, why isn’t this a significant advance for you? I think it is because of two things. One, the Labor Party has proposed it. And secondly, you want to play on the fear of Australians, not give them the solutions. And we have seen it so many times. We have seen it so many times in which you try and drive the wedge with these issues rather than come up with a practical solution.

Now, I want to know, Prime Minister, why you are not prepared to grasp this opportunity? Why you are not prepared to give the opportunity to the Australian people to experience security in the coming months and years? Security that gives to ASIO additional powers – unprecedented powers – powers that have never been experienced either by it or any other organisation similar to it in other countries. The powers that are proposed in this Bill don’t exist by the FBI in the United States. They don’t exist with the intelligence-gathering agency in the UK. And we are offering them here today, now.

And you have one last opportunity. You know, Prime Minister. You nod your head, you nod your head and you know I’m right. You know that there is the opportunity. Well, the Prime Minister knows that there is the opportunity to put in place this legislation today. As I said at the outset, this legislation can be operable by lunchtime if the Prime Minister does what his backbench wants him to do – does what his backbench wants him to do, and passes this legislation.

You know what he is coming here today and supporting? I expect he’ll be supporting – and that is the laying aside of this legislation. Why? Why, if for one moment you were expressing concern for the Australian nation about its security, would you lay aside the opportunity, now, to get unanimous support in this Parliament for increased powers for our intelligence-gatherers? Increased powers with the safeguard.

That is the sort of decision that real leaders of this nation have to take, and you have squibbed it. And you have gone out there, you have gone out there and tried to ramp up the rhetoric in relation to it. Well, Prime Minister, people will analyse this legislation, and they will say of you: What sort of a Prime Minister is he, that has the opportunity to get bipartisan support and unanimity in this Parliament to increase the powers of ASIO, and he doesn’t exercise it? That is what they will be asking. The opportunity is there, Prime Minister. Even if you still think the Bill doesn’t go far enough, why not grab it now? Why not revisit it in the next Parliament? You can’t bring this Bill back until we come back in February. So why not take the best on offer now, and seek to build on it later?

If you believe that there is insufficiency on it, then test it against the way in which it operates. And I might say, we had the Attorney-General saying to us on previous occasions: this Bill is unworkable and unconstitutional. And he was blown out of the water on the unconstitutionality of it, blown out of the water by Gavin Griffiths QC in a legal opinion that I tabled last night. And I am delighted to see that the Government no longer argues the point about constitutionality. It has accepted that dimension of our amendment, as it has accepted the sunset clause.

What I am saying to you, Prime Minister, is accept the other three dimensions of this Bill. Give the nation what it deserves. Give it the security it deserves over the Christmas break. Give it the solution, not the fear.

What Australians want from their Prime Minister is someone who does stand up in the national interest, someone who does represent them, and someone that is prepared to secure their future.

They will be facing a difficult time, because you have contributed to that fear today. What I am saying to you: put your prejudices aside, put the politics aside, give a solution, pass the Bill.